1
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen, 1565-81
and
The Demise of the Kingdom of Sojhat, 1581-83
A Study of Rajput-Mughal Relationships in the Reign of Akbar
Those who were loyal to [their] master ( sdmdharmt) were with
Candrasenji. And the good-for-nothings ( haramkhor ) of the
kingdom 1 met with the Turks and became military servants [of the
Mughal Emperor]. MRK, p. 50.
On the night of December 2, 1565, about nine in the evening, Rav Candrasen, the Rathor
ruler of Jodhpur (1562-81), came down from the fort above the city along with his retainers and
several important Rajput thakurs. They took the camels and horses provided for them by the
mother of Husayn Qui! Khan, commander of the surrounding Mughal army to whom Rav
Candrasen had ceded Jodhpur, and set out into the darkness, bound for Bhadrajan, a village about
forty-eight miles to the south-southwest. In the morning, Husayn QulT Khan and Rav Ram, Rav
Candrasen's half-brother, ascended the fort with their retainers. They killed the few remaining
Rajput soldiers who had chosen to remain inside to fight to the death, and took formal
possession. The long siege of 1565 was over. Within a few days Rav Ram departed for his jagTr
of Sojhat, his hopes of gaining Jodhpur for himself dashed by Husayn Qui! Khan, who no doubt
was acting under orders from the Mughal Emperor, Akbar. Thus began the Turkano , or period
of "Turkish" (i.e., Mughal) rule of central Marvar, 2 which was to last until 1583, when Rav
Candrasen's elder brother, Moto Raja Udaisingh Maldevot, ascended the throne of Jodhpur with
the full support of Akbar. 3
1 Literally, "throne" ( gadi).
2 In this study "Rajasthan" will indicate the region within the boundaries of the present Indian Stale having that
name, with the addition of the Parkar-Umarkot portion of what is now Pakistan. Marvar will designate the area
within the boundaries of the old Jodhpur Princely State (See Maps 1 -2).
3 For an account of the siege of Jodhpur in 1565, see Richard D. Saran, "The Mughal Siege of Jodhpur, 1565: A
Forgotten Imperial Episode" (unpublished paper).

2
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Plate I. Modern Bhadrajaii.
Historians who have studied the history of Marvar in the period from the end of the siege
in 1565 to the accession of Uclaisihgh nearly always have focused on Rav Candrasen himself.
To many, he was a avatantrya vir. or independent hero, who boldly defied the Mughals and
never acknowledged their authority. As such, he becomes merely one of a pantheon of Hindu
nationalist champions, like Ratio Pratap of Mevar and the Maratlia leader SivajT. who opposed
Muslim rule. Tins viewpoint not only overlooks some contradictory details of Rav Candrasen's
career, but also devalues the importance of other events in Marvar not directly involving Rav
Candrasen.
Norman Ziegler, in a seminal article on the Rajputs of Vlarvar and the Mughals, 1 took* a
different approach, emphasizing the political culture of the Rajputs rather than dwelling on
specific evems or the actions of rulers. He established the importance of brotherhood
1 Korman P. Zicglcr. "Some Nolcs on Rajpul Loyally during ihc Mughal Period." in Kingship and Authority in
Sot/th Asia, cdiicd by J. !•'. Richards (Madison: Luiversiiy of Wisconsin, 1978).

3
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
(bhmbandh). marriage alliance ( sagai ), and Rajput dharma (which one might define both as
Rajput duty and as Rajput honor) in Rajput thinking, but occasionally he came precariously close
to saying that Rajput actions can always be explained by their ideology, which he in turn partly
infers from their actions. 5 His use of only three Rajput biographies—themselves incomplete at
best, inaccurate at worst—is also questionable. How representative were these three? Were
there other Rajputs whose lives did not fit his model? Nor did Ziegler examine in depth the
constantly evolving Mughal policies, moving as they did from a big stick to a big carrot and back
again over the years, trying different methods to subdue and assimilate the highly diverse regions
of Rajasthan. In sum, he produced a brilliant assessment of Rajput political culture, but one at
times perhaps overly separated from the events he hoped to explain.
In the follow essay I have a twofold purpose. First, to explore Rav Candrasen's later
years in detail, something that has not been done by any modern historian. The best analysis of
the years 1565-81 is by MangTlal Vyas, 6 but he evidently did not know about the invaluable
Udaibhan Campavat ri Khyat , 7 and he ignored the Jodhpur Rajya ki Khyat . 8 Nor did he make
use of the Mundiyar ri Khyat , a late text, but one that provides a unique look back at earlier
events. Furthermore, Vyas wrote in Hindi, a language to which many have no access.
Unfortunately, no English account approaches Vyas's in accuracy or length. Older Hindi
histories of Rav Candrasen's reign by Ojha 9 and Reu 10 certainly have their uses, but they are
incomplete, out of date, and biased. A recent collection of articles in Hindi about the Rav shares
these flaws."
5 Cf. ibid., p. 231.
6 MangTlal Vyas, Jodhpur Rajya ka Itihas, Samvat 1496 se 1637 Vi. San. 1439 se 1580 I (Jaypur: Panes!]
Prakasan, 1975, pp. 183-211.
7 For a discussion of the sources used for this paper, see Appendix A, "Sources."
8 His bibliography mentions the Jodhpur Rajya ki Khyat (Vyas, Jodhpur Rajya ka Itihas , p. 312), as well as a long
list of other works he knew about but apparently did not consult.
q G.H. Ojha, Jodhpur Rajya ka Itihas (2 vols. 2 nd ed. Jodhpur: Rajasthan! Granthagar, 1999 [1936]).
10 B.N. Reu, Marvar ka Itihas (2 vols. Jodhpur: Archaeological Department, 1938-1940).
11 Svatantrya Vir Rav Candrasen: Jodhpur ka Sasak, 1562-81 /., ed. by Hukamsimh BhatI (Jodhpur: Rajasthan!
Sodh Samsthan, 2001).

4
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
My second purpose is to revisit Ziegler's approach to Rajput political culture with
reference to the events of Rav Candrasen's long struggle with the Mughals. Ziegler has asserted
that Rajputs believed serving the Mughal Emperor was no different than serving a local ruler or
thakur. Is that a wholly valid statement? Or were there some serious concerns among Rajputs
about entering Mughal service? Furthermore, he has suggested that Rajput tradition equated the
Emperor with Ram, a ksatriya cultural hero from whom several Rajput royal families claimed
descent. 12 Is this a correct assessment? By examining Rav Candrasesn's reactions to the
Mughals, and the Mughals' attempts to deal with him, I hope to illuminate what I have termed
the "politics of resistance" from 1565 to 1583 and to provide some answers to the above
questions. Finally, I have included a short account of Rav Candrasen's sons, 1581-83, as a sort
of final judgment on his successes and failures.
Rav Candrasen, 1565-81
Part I
From Bhadrajan to Nagaur, 1565-70
After [the siege of 1565] Kumpavat Prithlraj went to the Emperor
in Delhi, and he became an Imperial military servant. And
Jodhpur was entrusted to the Sayyids. And in Jodhpur the period
of Turkish rule began. The period of Turkish rule lasted eighteen
years, and in the [Jodhpur] domain the struggle to recover the
land 13 lasted [that long as well]. Rav Candrasen waged a fierce
fight to recover the land.... There were many skirmishes [and]
battles. MRK, pp. 49-50.
Having lost Jodhpur in 1565, Rav Candrasen, defeated, dispossessed, but not destroyed,
took up residence in Bhadrajan 14 for the next several years. Bhadrajan was a small town,
headquarters of a tapho (sub-district) of Jodhpur Pargano. At the time of Nainsl's great survey
of the villages of Marvar (his Vigat ) undertaken during the 1650s and 1660s, Bhadrajan Tapho
contained ninety-five villages, thirty of which were deserted. Of the twenty taphos of Jodhpur
12 Ziegler, "Some Notes on Rajput loyalty during the Mughal Period," p. 235.
13 Dhango vikhero = struggle or fight ( dhango) + vikhero , an adjective made from vikho. a period of distress, a time
when lands are lost.
14 The town of Bhadrajan is forty-eight miles south-southwest of Jodhpur.

5
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Pargano, Bhadrajan was fourth in the number of villages, but only sixth (in the year 1659-60) in
revenues. 15 To Rav Candrasen, the discrepancy between his new circumstances and his former
situation in Jodhpur must have seemed immense. No longer would he have been able to reward
followers with lucrative land grants (patos). Nor would the limited revenues of Bhadrajan allow
him to maintain anything like the lifestyle he had enjoyed while living in Jodhpur. Still, he was
the legitimate ruler of Marvar in the eyes of the Rathors, even those who personally disliked him.
As such, he retained considerable influence. He also retained the allegiance of the small garrison
at Pokaran Fort 16 in northwestern Marvar, separated from his lands at Bhadrajan by the Mughals
and their supporters, who were holding Jodhpur City and its surrounding taphos.
Unfortunately for historians, Rav Candrasen's first five years in Bhadrajan are poorly
documented by the available RajasthanT sources. If indeed he had numerous skirmishes and
battles with the Mughal occupiers, no record of the details is extant. One short account of Rav
Candrasen's reign states that "the Turks stayed in Jodhpur [City]. They used to do much
damage." 17 What sort of damage is not evident. Mughal Persian chroniclers also mostly ignore
Marvar during the years 1565-70. Rajput genealogies are more forthcoming, but their short
biographical notes are frequently undated. They mention events without revealing where they
took place. They focus almost entirely on the doings of Rajputs and disregard the remainder of
the population. Despite their limitations and biases, they often provide information of
considerable value.
NainsT, in his genealogy of the Jeso BhatI Rajputs, has written that Jeso Raysingh
VTramdevot was in Bhadrajan during Rav Candrasen's years there. 18 At some point the Rav sent
Raysingh, Rathors Vairsal PrithTrajot, Gopajdas Mandanot, and Uhar Jaimal to loot a caravan.
Raysingh died fighting there. Another genealogical note mentions that Jeso isardas Vlramdevot,
Raysingh's brother, died fighting along with him when Rav Candrasen dispatched the contingent
against this caravan. 19 Rav Candrasen was nearly always short of cash during these years, and
1:1 See Vigat , 1:204, 287 (total number of villages and deserted villages), and idem. 1:169 (revenues). "Pargano
Jodhpur," Parisist 2 in Vigat , 2:428-29, gives different enumerations of village types in Bhadrajan as reported in
two other contemporary surveys and a different number of total villages as reported in one of these..
16 Pokaran Port is in the town of Pokaran. cighiy-lhrcc miles norihwcsl of Jodhpur.
17 AB, p. 96.
1S NRK,2:167.
ly NRK, 2:169.

6
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
when he left Marvar in January of 1575 he was nearly destitute. At one point he had received
60,000 rupees for a large ruby he sold to the Rano of Mevar, Udaisiiigh Saiigavat, perhaps
around 1569, when he married one of his daughters to the Rano. 20 The rupees were soon spent.
Probably the raid on the caravan was only one of several ordered by Rav Candrasen, who had to
maintain a retinue of around five hundred and a large family. Other Rajputs were resorting to
banditry as well. Mandlot Rathor Udaisingh Bhojavat was killed in Gundoc village 21 during the
Turkano helping Rav Candrasen's nephew, PratapsI Raymalot, loot an entire caravan of horses
(sobat). 22 Good horses could cost as much as rs. 5,000 apiece. Looting them rather than paying
for them eliminated one of a Rajput thakuf s major expenditures.
Genealogies also mention "Turk" (i.e., Mughal) attacks on Rajput gudhos (fortified,
long-term camps or hideouts). For some examples, a Bhayal Pamvar Rajput, Hemraj KhTndavat,
died fighting when the Mughals came upon his gudho , 23 Similarly, Jaitmalot Rathor Abho
Patalot was killed when the Mughals came upon his. 24 Finally, Karamsot Rathor Nagraj
Dhanrajot was killed defending his gudho during a Mughal attack. 25 On shall never know
precisely where these gudhos were or when they were attacked; the authors of the genealogies
probably did not know themselves. 26 Rajputs lived in gudhos only when they were driven from
their former villages, either by enemies or by famines. During the years of occupation, the cause
was usually direct Mughal pressure on the villages, as when they forced the evacuation of
20 Jahangir, The Jahangirnama: Memoirs of Jahangir, Emperor of India, translated, edited, and annotated by
Wheeler M. Thaekston (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 174. For the wedding, see below, pp. 9-10.
21 Gundoc village is fifty miles south-southeast of Jodhpur.
22 UCRK, 1:446. For other examples of Rajput banditry in this period, see idem., 1:346 (Mala Akhairajot Rathor
Sadul Karamslyot) and 1:380 (Campavat Rathor Goyand Jesavat).
23 NRK, 1:196.
24 UCRK, 1:105.
25 UCRK, 2:260. For other examples, see idem., 1:476, 479, 2:272.
26 A skeptic might rightfully question whether these attacks can be dated to 1565-70. 1 would suggest that this
period, directly after the Mughals assumed authority over Jodhpur and its surrounding taphos (subdistricts), is the
one in which the local Rajputs would be least accustomed to Mughal rule and most likely to resist it by not paying
any land revenue. Non-payment would have led to Mughal troops being sent to delinquent villages to enforce
collection. The Rajputs would have responded by abandoning the villages and constructing gudhos , which the
Mughals would have attacked wherever they found them.

7
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Setravo 27 because its ruler, Devrajot Rathor JTvo Abhiharot, would not meet with them even
though he had eleven wives to worry about during his period of exile. 28 Sometimes the Rajputs
struck back. The Udaibhan Campavat rl Khyat records in a biographical note about Jaitavat
Rathor Bhopat Devidasot that in the period of Turkish rule in Marvar, Bhopat's gudhos and the
giidhos of Hardas Mahesot 29 and the Karamsot Rathors were near GhanarT ChlmrTya village. 30
When a local Mughal commander, VTjlT Khan, attacked the gudhos there, these Rajput thakurs
got away. 31 Afterward Bhopat formed a retinue and went and killed Vljll Khan. 32
Perhaps the most serious clash occurred on either December 25, 1567, or January 9,
1568. A Mughal officer, Isma'Tl Qui! Khan, and his retainers attacked Akhairajot Rathor
Lakhman Bhadavat's giidho (NainsI calls it a hot or fort) near Jojavar village. 33 They thoroughly
looted it. NainsI states that Lakhman was killed; other sources are ambiguous. The men were
not imprisoned, however, and the Rathors subsequently caught up to the Mughal contingent near
Kadu village 34 as it was returning to its base. They killed many of them. Four elephants were
cut down. 35
27 Setravo village is fifty miles northwest of Jodhpur. It was the headquarters of Setravo Tapho (subdivision) of
Jodhpur Pargano.
28 UCRK, 1:134.
2y For a biography of Karamsot Rathor Hardas Mahesot, see UCRK, 2:252.
20 Not located.
- ,l Literally, "These thakurs picked up the die" (ine thakure paso Uyo). The meaning of the idiom paso leno is
uncertain; I'm assuming it means to get another ehanee (in this instance to escape). It scents to by a synonym for
paso deno , "to slip away, to escape."
32 UCRK, 1:273.
33 Jojavar village is in the Godhvar region some twenty-eight miles south-southeast of Sojhat.
34 According to NainsI, Kadu (also called Kandhu and Karu) village wss located in Sojhat Pargano, ten kos (about
twenty miles) from Sojhat in the Nivas Kun (extreme south). It must be Kadu on AMS Map NG-43-10, which is
one mile southeast of AOvo, a large village twenty-one miles south of Sojhat. Kadu does not appear on more recent
Rajaslhan Census Atlas maps of this area. Vigat, 1:403-404. 410, 414. 434-435, 452-453.
3:1 For details concerning this clash and its possible dates, see AB, 98 (December 25, 1567); UCRK, 1:276-277
(December 25, 1567); Vigat, 1:68-69 (January 9, 1568). Regarding the elephants, Raghubir Sinh and his associates
read one line of the note for Lakhman Bhadavat in UCRK incorrectly as: Mugal nag hathl 4parayd. N. S. BhatT

8
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
These few examples suggest that the occupation of central Marvar was not easy either for
the Mughals or for the Rathor Rajputs in these early years. The Rathors had been through a
similar period during 1544-45, when Sher Shah Sur invaded Marvar. They knew the places to
hide, where the least accessible areas were (in the hills of Slvano Pargano and in the western
Aravalll mountains), and how to bide their time. The Mughals could feel completely secure only
in their larger military outposts. They had trouble tracking Rathor movements. They did
plunder or destroy a few Rajput hideouts, but in no instance did they succeed in winning any sort
of permanent victory. But events in Marvar took second place to those in Mevar and Bund!,
where Akbar's armies won two great victories.
Of all the Rajput polities, none worried the Mughals more than Mevar. They well
remembered the great Slsodlyo ruler, Rano Sango, whom Babar had defeated with difficulty in
1527. Sango had died in 1528, and for the next three decades Mevar was weakened by an attack
in 1535 by the Gujarat! Sultan, Bahadur Shah, succession disputes, and the rise of neighboring
Marvar under Rav Malde. In the 1550s Rano Udaisingh began to regain some of the lost prestige
of his dynasty. For awhile he and the Mughals were aligned in opposition to Haj! Khan, one of
Sher Shah Sur's former supporters, but in the 1560s their alliance fell apart. By late summer
1567, Akbar was preparing to attack the heavily fortified Slsodlyo capital, Cltor. Rano
Udaisingh left Mertlyo Rathor Jaimal Vlramdevot in charge of its defense and fled to western
Mevar. The siege lasted from October 20, 1567 to February 23-24, 1568. Losses on both sides
were considerable. Akbar, who generously had allowed Rav Candrasen to ride away from
Jodhpur when it was taken in 1565, followed his conquest of Cltor by ordering the massacre of
approximately 30,000 of Cltor's defenders. It was an unmistakable message to the remaining
independent Rajput rulers of the region.
A year later, Akbar's soldiers attacked Rinthambhor Fort, which was in the hands of the
Hado Cahuvan ruler of Bund!, Rav Surjan Urjanot, one of Rano Udaisingh's allies. Akbar
arrived at Rinthambhor on February 10, 1569, and the ensuing siege did not end until March 19,
when Rav Surjan capitulated. In contrast to his policy at the end of the siege of Cltor, Akbar
treated Surjan and his sons well and did not order any sort of reprisal for the month-long
resistance. This was the second half of the message begun at Cltor: the Emperor would be
generous if resistance ended. He would be ruthless if it did not. 36
has provided the correct reading, Mugal natha hathi 4 vadhaya , in his Rajasthan ke Aitihasik Granthom ki
Sarveksan , 3 vols. (Jodhpur: Rajasthan! Granthagar, 1989), 3:96. For further information about the Akhairajot
Rathors and Lakhman Bhadavat, see MRMR, 2:162-168.
36 In this context Abu-1-Fazl has written, "The chastisement of the stiff-necked ones who cocked the cap of pride,
and whose heads held the brain of turbulence, as well as the cherishing of the obedient who bow themselves beneath

9
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
To Rav Candrasen and the other uncommitted Rajput rulers remaining in Rajasthan, well
aware of these events, the need to make a decision was imperative. Would they join the growing
Mughal Empire, or would they continue to follow the increasingly difficult path of remaining
independent? Some modern historians have suggested that after 1569 further resistance was
futile and so the decision to submit to Akbar was logical and probably inevitable. 37 It was not
inevitable; it may not have seemed entirely logical at the time. Those Rajputs with long
memories may have recalled the Mughals being driven out of India by the Stirs, and then, not
that many years later, the Sur dynasty collapsing when Humaytin and Akbar returned from
Persia. Akbar's position in 1569 was not as secure as his victories over Mevar and BundT would
suggest. Whey then should Rajputs submit when they might wait on events for awhile? Why, in
the words of PrithTraj Rathor of Blkaner, sell oneself in Akbar's shop? 38 On the other hand, the
rewards received by the Kachvahos of Amber when they entered Mughal service certainly must
have appealed to those Rajputs contemplating Imperial military service. In Marvar itself,
Rathors PrithTraj Kumpavat and Rav Ram Maldevot had done well by allying with the
Mughals. 39
Rav Candrasen's actions during 1569 seem to indicate the turmoil in his mind during this
period. He left Bhadrajan for BundT early that year, "completely alone" according to the
Jodhpur Rajya ki Khyat, 40 and "with a single retinue of horses" according to the nineteenth-
the burden of submission and move swiftly under, are for great princes the most exquisite form of religious
worship." AN, 2:489.
" 7 E.g., John F. Richards, who wrote: "The fall of these great forts [CTtor and Rinthambhor] demonstrated the reality
of Mughal power for every warrior in North India. Outright defiance to the Mughal Emperor was not possible;
submission or death was the only choice." J.F. Richards, The Mughal Empire (The New Cambridge History of
India, pt. I, vol. 5, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 27.
38 PrithTraj Rathor was the son of Rav Kalyanmal (1542-74) of Blkaner and a rcknown Diiigal poet. He wrote a
famous poem around 1578 in praise of Rano Pratap of Mevar, who, unlike many other Rajputs, was refusing to go to
Akbar's "shop" (i.e., refusing to submit to Akbar). PrithTraj himself was in Mughal service at the time. See
"Introduction," in VeilKrisana RukamanlrlRathora raja PrithlRaja klkahl. cd. by L.P. Tcssilori (Calcutta: The
Asiatic Society, 1919), for a discussion of PrithTraj and his poetry.
39 By 1573 PrithTraj Kumpavat had assumed a position of some influence with Akbar due to his knowledge of local
politics in Marvar. He had been given both Bhorundo village (thirteen miles northwest of Ajmer) and then Bilaro
village (forty-one miles east-southeast of Jodhpur) as his jaglr. Rav Ram Maldevot held Sojhat Pargano from the
Mughals between 1564 and early 1573. For a short biography of PrithTraj Kumpavat, see MRMR, 2:308-312.
Unfortunately this biography was compiled before the authors had full access to the information in UCRK, 1:309.
40 JRKK. p. 107, which reads charals. RRK, 1:107 has the correct reading, chard hlj.

10
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
century Mundiyar ri Khyat . 41 Shortly after his arrival in Rinthambhor, he married the daughter
of Rav Surjan Hado on February 21, 1569, which would have been during the siege. NainsT
states that he received a dowry of fifteen horses, an elephant, and jewelry worth rs. 15,000. 42
The Jodhpur Rajya ki Khyat differs, indicating that the elephant was ornamented and rs.
105,000 were given in cash along with fifteen horses. 43 The Mundiyar ri Khyat agrees that
fifteen horses were given but says that Rav Candrasen received two elephants and jewelry along
withrs. 15,00a 44
On wonders exactly how such a marriage could take place during a siege. Perhaps the
date, February 21, is wrong, even though it is the one agreed upon by four different RajasthanT
chronicles. 43 The marriage with the daughter of Rav Surjan at such a time might well have
irritated Akbar (assuming he knew about it) and have been taken as a sign of Rav Candrasen's
continuing unwillingness to compromise with the Mughals. And what did Rav Surjan gain from
it? Rav Candrasen was incapable of rendering military assistance at this point. Perhaps he
undertook the dangerous journey to Rinthambhor partly to encourage a wavering Rav Surjan in
defense of the fort. In the end, Rav Surjan capitulated to Akbar's forces and Rav Candrasen
headed back to Bhadrajan with a new wife, cash to pay retainers, and military supplies in the
form of horses and one or two elephants.
Later that same year, on November 11, 1569, Rano Udaisiiigh of Mevar (ca. 1537-72),
driven out of CTtor by the Mughals in 1568, came to Navsar village in Marvar. Rav Candrasen
joined the Rano there and went with him to Jaisalmer. The Rano had informed the Bhatls of
Jaisalmer that he expected them to marry a daughter to him, but upon his arrival, they shut the
gates to the city and had him told that, since they did not summon him, they had no such
obligation. So Rav Candrasen brought the Rano back to Bhadrajan and married his daughter
41 MRK. p. 50.
42 Vigat , 1:69.
43 .IRKK. p. 107; RRK, 1:107.
44 MRK, p. 50.
45 JRKK, p. 107; MRK, p. 50; RRK, 1:107; Vigat, 1:69. No other sources mention the marriage.

11
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
KarmetT Bal to him on December 9, 1569. 46 Probably it was during this period that Rav
Candrasen sold his large ruby to the Rano for rs. 60.000.
Once again Rav Candrasen had made an alliance with a Rajput ruler who was engaged in
a struggle with the Mughals. If Akbar knew about this, he must have been displeased. Any sort
of combined resistance to his advance into Rajasthan was potentially a serious problem. But Rav
Candrasen was making other alliances which indicated he might be willing to submit to Akbar.
He married a daughter, Askumvar Bal, to Kumvar Mansingh Kachavho, undoubtedly knowing
that one way to approach the Emperor was through the Kachvaho family. 47 And he married
Askumvar BaT's sister to Akbar himself. 48 Very likely both marriages took place not long before
the autumn of 1570, when Akbar was in Nagaur, and Rav Candrasen came there with five
hundred retainers, ostensibly to become an Imperial military servant. If so, his previous
marriage alliances with the Hados of Bund! and the Rano of Mevar may have been undertaken to
provide cash to pay a suitable contingent with which to present himself to the Emperor in
Nagaur. They may have had nothing to do with any preparation to form a coalition of
disenchanted Rajput leaders in resistance to the Mughals. 49
Part II. From Nagaur to Mudaro,
December 13,1570 to Early January, 1575
Sixteen years had gone by while Emperor Akbar ruled in Delhi.
The bhomIyos M from all ten directions came and met with [him in
Nagaur], DV, p. 14.
In this year [1570] Candarsin, son of Maldeo, ruler of Marvar,
came to do homage to the Emperor [in Nagaur]. MT, 2:137
46 JRKK, p. 107-108: MRK, p. 50, RRK, 1:107; Vigat. 1:69. AB, p. 80, indicates that the marriage of Karmeti Bat
to Rano Udaisingh took place before the trip to Jaisalmer, an unlikely sequence.
47 Another daughter was married to Mansitigh's son Sabalsingh. MRMR. 2;39.
48 Ibid ., 2:38. The marriage to Akbar was a dolo marriage, in which a bride is sent in a litter or sedan chair from her
natal home to the groom's residence (i.e., a marriage not requiring Rav Candrascn's presence).
49 Vyas, Jodhpur Rdyja ka Itihds, pp. 192-193, mentions the marriage to the Rajput rulers of BOndT and Mevar, but
attaches no particular significance to them. He does not mention the marriages to the Kachvahos and to Akbar.
50 Bhomiyo: a local landholder, local ruler.

12
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
On Saturday, September 23, 1570 Emperor Akbar set out for Ajmer to visit the
shrine of Khwaja-Mu'in ud-dTn. He spent several days at the shrine and dispensed gifts to
the attendants there. He also issued orders for renovating the great fort at Ajmer. Then, on
November 3, 1570, he left Ajmer for Nagaur. Upon Akbar's arrival there on November 16,
the new provincial governor, Khan-i Kalan, 51 arranged a great feast for him. In the next few
days, Akbar issued an order to repair an old tank in Nagaur. Then he got down to the real
purpose of his visit. In the words of Abu-1-Fazl, the author of the Akbar Nama, Akbar had
come to Nagaur to "put things in order and administer justice." 52 Putting things in order
included meeting with the great men of western Rajasthan and accepting their submission.
One of those who arrived with submission in mind was Rav Kalyanmal Jaitslyot, the
ruler of BTkaner, 1542-74. He married two of his family's women (i.e., VTkT RathornTs) to
Akbar: Sri BhanmatI, who was the daughter of his brother Bhlmraj Jaitslyot, and
Rajkumvari, the daughter of another of his brothers, Kanh Jaitslyot. 53 Kanh had died
fighting against Rav Malde of Jodhpur in 1542, and his daughter must have been at least
twenty-eight when she was married to Akbar. The Mughal Persian chronicles mention only
her, the daughter of "Kahan," Kalyanmal's brother. She became an "inmate of the harem,"
to paraphrase Abu-l-Fazl. M On December 4, 1570, Akbar allowed Rav Kalyanmal,
enormously fat and unable to mount a horse, to return to Blkaner, but he retained
Kalyanmal's more competent son, Raysingh. He ordered Raysingh to "attend on the
victorious stirrups," implying that Raysingh became one of the group of young, upcoming
men who formed part of the Emperor's personal contingent. 5 ^
51 Khan-I Kalan (Mir Muhammad Khan) was appointed governor of Ajmer, Jodhpur, and the frontiers of Gujarat in
October-November, 1570. Iqtidar Alam Khan, "'The Mughal Assignment System during Akbar's early Years, 1556-
1575," in Medieval India I: Researches in the History of India, 1250-1750. cd. by Irian Habib (Delhi: Oxford
University Press. 1992), p. 101.
52 For the chronology of Akbar's activities September-December, 1570, and Abu-l-Fazl's remark, see AN, 2:517-
518.
"DV, p. 14.
54 AN, 2:518. See alsoMT, 2:137, TA, 2:362.
55 TA, 2:362.

13
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Another important ruler who married a daughter to Akbar and submitted during these
weeks was Ravaj Harraj (1567-77) of Jaisajmer. 56
Rav Candrasen probably had already married his daughter RukhmavatT BaT to Akbar
when he left Bhadrajan for Nagaur on November 21, 1570, 57 accompanied by five hundred
horsemen. 58 He was one of at least six important Rathors to go to Nagaur, including his son
Raysirigh Candrasenot (RukhmatI Bai's brother), his brother Udaisingh Maldevot, and three half-
brothers: Raymal Maldevot, Bhojraj Maldevot, and RatansI Maldevot. 59 Rav Candrasen himself
met with Akbar on December 13, 1570. 60 According to the Tabaqat-i Akbari, he was enrolled as
a military servant of the Emperor at this time. 61 The Akbar Nama notes that he was received
with royal favors. 62 Nothing in their two brief accounts indicates any sort of problem arose, but
two RajasthanT sources imply that the Rav was offended by a particular remark of Akbar's.
Observing the appearance (rup) of the Rav, Akbar commented: "You have met me in order that
you do not meet Kalo Khan." 63 Kalo Khan, the Khan-i Kalan of the Persian chronicles, was the
56 AN, 2:518-519.
57 AB, p. 80. According to Vigat , 1:69, he left Bhadrajan on November 22.
Ibid., 1:69.
39 JRKK. p. 108.RRK, 1:108; Murardan , p. 605; UCRK, 2:87. UCRK. 2:87 suggests that Bhan Maldevot, not
Bhojraj Maldevot, was among the brothers at Nagaur. but it is much more likely that it was Bhojraj. who entered
Akbar's service at some point, achieved a high rank, and later died fighting in Gujarat. For these two brothers, see
Murardan, p. 617.
60 AB, p. 80; Vigat, 1:69. Other dates given by three RajasthanT khyats: MRK, p. 50: April 11, 1571; Murardan,
pp. 598-599: November 9, 1572; UCRK, 2:79: 1566-67; UCRK, 2:87: June-July, 1570. AN, 2:517, 523 indicate
that Akbar arrived in Nagaur on November 16, 1570 and was in the Panjab at the end of January, 1571, so these
khyat dates arc impossible for his meeting with Rav Candrasen.
61 TA, 2:362.
62 AN, 2:518.
63 JRKK. p. 108. V.S. Bhargava, in his Marwar and the Mughal Emperors, A.D. 1526-1748 (Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, 1966). p. 46. has translated this passage, Moniim miliyo he jyii[m] Kola Khan mat mile , as "As he
[Rav Candrasen] is handsome he should not meet any black man lest his heart be tarnished." This translation cannot
be justified by the text in the published version of the JRKK; perhaps Bhargava had only a defective copy of this
Khyat. The RRK. a slightly different version of the JRKK, has the reading: Monum miliyo hai jihum Kalakhan

14
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
recently appointed governor of Ajmer Province. 64 To Rav Candrasen, the remark may have
suggested that he met with Akbar out of fear that he would soon face an attack on Bhadrajan by
the Khan if he did not come to Nagaur. Such a remark would have been deeply offensive,
particularly since the Rav had fought long and ably at Jodhpur in 1565. It may have been a
problem of translation; Akbar might have spoken in Persian which Rav Candrasen would not
have known, and so they would have required a translator to communicate.
Sources also differ about what happened next. It is clear that Rav Candrasen maintained
the appearance of submission and left his young son, Raysingh, thirteen years old, with Akbar at
this time. 65 Another son, Ugrasen, perhaps remained with Akbar or was sent to BundT. 66 Then
Rav Candrasen either left immediately, or after a meeting in a garden with his brother and half-
brothers. Once source indicates that they swore an oath of some kind at this meeting. 67 Possibly
it was an oath to keep quiet about the Rav's plans. Afterward Udaisingh, Bhojraj, and Raymal
all became Imperial military servants. Udaisingh was to have a long career in Mughal service;
Raymal received Slvano Pargano from Akbar; 68 Bhojraj rose to a high rank ( mansab ) of 1,500. 69
Rav Candrasen returned to Bhadrajan. He soon began plundering and attacking Mughal
contingents. Any sort of a chance for accommodation with the Mughals slipped away like a
vapor under a rising sun.
Clearly Rav Candrasen had come to Nagaur with the intent of becoming an Imperial
military servant. He had arranged the marriages of two of his daughters to facilitate a meeting
with Akbar. He arrived in Nagaur with a considerable retinue of five hundred horsemen, enough
to insure that Akbar would treat him as a serious candidate for an appointment. He left his
young son Raysingh with Akbar, a sign that he had accepted Imperial service. The Mughal
sai mat mTlai (1:108). The meaning is the same. NainsT does not mention this remark and says only that Akbar
observed Rav Candrascn's appearance (siirat) and was pleased. Vigat. 1:69.
64 One source refers to a nickname of Khan-i Kalan's, Minhariyo, or "Bracelet-maker."' I have no certain
explanation for this nickname, which may be derogatory (perhaps a reference to Khan-i Kalan's paternity). AB, p.
80.
"JRKK, p. 108; RRK, 1:108; UCRK, 2:87; Vigat, 1:69. Raysingh was born on September 6, 1557. UCRK, 2:82.
66 UCRK, 2:87 maintains Ugrasen did not stay with Akbar, while Vigat, 1:69 says that he did.
67 UCRK, 2:87.
6K Murardan. p. 605; Vigat , 1:69, 2:219.
69 Murardan , p. 617.

15
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
chroniclers were convinced that he had. Why then did he not do so? Two reasons seem most
plausible.
First, he may have anticipated being given more than he received from Akbar. His
advisors would probably have cautioned him not to expect Akbar immediately to return the city
of Jodhpur and its great fort, especially since Cltor and Rinthambhor had recently been
conquered with so much difficulty. Candrasen had not made the conquest of Jodhpur in 1565
easy for Akbar's army, and Akbar would have had the long resistance of that year in mind in
1570. But Candrasen certainly would have hoped for the eventual return of Jodhpur. And he
might have reasonably thought that he would receive a greater portion of Jodhpur Pargano than
his current home, Bhadrajan. Or he might have expected Sivano Pargano, which went instead to
his brother Raymal. It seems at most Akbar only offered him Bhadrajan and perhaps Pokaran
Pargano, where Candrasen's men already controlled the fort. Surely being treated little or no
better than his brothers would have rankled Candrasen.
Second, there is the insulting remark Akbar is alleged to have made about Candrasen's
fear of meeting Kalo Khan. One must remember that Akbar and Candrasen were young men,
both less than thirty in 1570, both from prestigious dynasties, both impetuous at times. Perhaps
Akbar could not resist a bit of gloating after his recent conquests. To Candrasen, a Rajput in a
culture intensely concerned with honor and hierarchy, a demeaning remark about his courage
and, by implication, his subordinate status would have been insulting and infuriating. Other
Rajputs exploded with rage in such situations, even when they were in the Mughal darbar.
Candrasen probably hid his anger well until he safely escaped from Nagaur. But it seems certain
than he had made up his mind to reject Mughal service by then.
December 13,1570 to August 12,1572
From Nagaur to Kanujo
And CandrasenjI took leave from the Emperor and came back to
Bhadrajan. And he went from Bhadrajan into the mountains of
Plp[lod] in the vicinity of Sivano. And while he had horses, he
began to carry out lootings [and] robberies. MRK, p. 150
The RajasthanT sources agree that Rav Candrasen, after returning to Bhadrajan, soon left
for Sivano. 70 He took the fort there away from his half-brother, Raymal, who went to Mevar. 71
70 JRKK, p. 108; MRK, p. 50, UCRK, 2:78, Vigat , 1:69.
71 Vigat, 2:219.

16
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Then he left for the hills of Plplod 72 near the fort. Years before, from 1544-46, his father, Rav
Malde, had stayed in these low but rugged hills. Rav Malde had small forts built in PTplod,
Kundal, 73 and Gado. 74 It was a fine area in which to hold out against invaders, but its resources
were meager. Rav Candrasen could not maintain a large contingent there. Nevertheless, he
managed to carry out a successful attack against the forces of Khan-i Kalan. He destroyed the
Khan's military outpost in Mahell, 75 a small village south of the LunI River. 76 But he did not
have the ability to confront the Khan indefinitely. On February 24, 1571, he reached an
agreement with the Mughals, according to which he would pay Khan-i Kalan nine lakhs of
plrojis. 11 In return, the Khan would end his operations and the LunI River would become the
boundary between the Rathors and the Mughals. Rav Candrasen did not have the funds to make
the entire payment, and so he handed over two hostages to the Khan, to be held until the full
amount was made. As it happened, Rav Candrasen never paid anything more, and these two
men, Pancoll Saran Netavat and Bhandarl Dhano Dabarot, were held until Khan-i Kalan died
several years afterward. 78
72 Plplod (also Plplano or Plplan; Piplum on Map One) is four or five miles southwest of Sivano. Nainsi remarks
that Piplod was a tine village, although small. Rav Malde had a fort built on a hill here during the period 1544-46.
Vigat, 2:251-252.
73 Kundal village is ten miles southwest of Sivano. Nainsi records that at one lime Kundal was a large settlement
and the center of the local thakurai (little kingdom) of the Panivar Rajputs. There is a large hill nearby where Rav
Malde stayed after he was driven from Jodhpur in 1544. At that time he had a fort with walls twelve feet thick built
on the hill. Vigat. 2:251. Sec Map Four also.
74 Garo (also GadhI; Gura on Map One) village is five miles west-southwest of Sivano. Nainsi describes Garo as a
large village, "a place to stay during a period of distress." Rav Malde had a wall built around the fort during his stay
in Sivano from 1544-46. Vigat, 2:253.
75 Mahell (Meli on Map One) village is five miles north-northeast of Sivano. Vigat, 2:244-245.
76 For the battle of Mahell. see JRKK, p. 108; MRK, p. 50; Vigat. 1:69.
77 JRKK, p. 108; RRK, 1:108. These sources indicate Rav Candrasen paid ten lakhs of Sher Shahl takos on
February 24, 1571. AB, p. 83 indicates he agreed to pay ten lakhs of phadTyos but at this time paid only one lakh.
Tako : a copper coin; phadTyo : a small silver coin. A plrojl was a FTrozshahT rupee, issued during the reign of FTroz
Shah Tughluq, Sultan of Delhi 1351-88, worth more than the other two coins. In either case the Rav paid only a
small portion of what he owed.
78 AB, p. 80; JRKK, p. 108; RRK, 1:108; Vigat. 1:69.

17
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
According to one source, Rav Candrasen abandoned Bhadrajan when he made the pact
with the Khan. 79 Other sources indicate he had already left Bhadrajan before the agreement to do
so. 80 Then he stayed in Slvano for nine months, after which he took his vast 1 and Mahajans to
Kanujo, a village of eastern Jaitaran Pargano, 82 in the V.S. year 1628 (July 7, 1571 to July 10,
1572). 83 If indeed he did abandon Bhadrajan on February 24, 1571 and then remained in Slvano
for nine months, he must have left for Kanujo no later than the end of November, 1571. But
according to NainsT, while Rav Candrasen was in the hills around Ghughrot, 84 he helped Rathor
Mandan Kumpavat in a fierce confrontation with some Devro Cahuvans. 8 ' Mandan had engaged
in this battle only after leaving Mevar upon the death of Rano Udaisiiigh Sarigavat on February
79 JRKK, p. 108 stales: ''On |Saturday!. February 24, 1571. [Rav Candrasen! made ihc paei and entrusted Bhadrajan
[to the Mughals]. And the Ravji went to Slvano. Afterward the Ravji's Rajput, Daso Patalot, fought a battle with
Kalo Khan in the village MahclT. where many Mughals were killed."
80 MRK, p. 50, implies this; Vigat, 1:69 states it clearly. It seems probable that Rav Candrasen agred formally to
give up Bhadrajan only after the battle of MahelT as part of the pact with Khan-i Kalan. By this reckoning, he left
Nagaur, returned to Bhadrajan, then went to Slvano and began a scries of attacks including Ihc one at MahclT.
Subsequently he came to an agreement with the Khan and handed over Bhadrajan on February 24, 1571. Afterward
the LunT River became the boundary between the Rathors and the Mughals, and Rav Candrasen remained in the
Slvano region.
81 Vast: the people or subjects bound to an important Rajput who lived either in his village or town of residence
(vas) or in nearby villages under his control and who performed various services for him according to their status,
receiving in exchange his protection. Typically the vast of an important man contained persons of many jath,
including a contingent of Rajput warriors, peasants such as Jats, STrvTs, Palcls, etc.. VanTyos. Brahmans. Carans, and
members of the the lower jatis: Kumbhars, Malls, Sutrars, and others. Vasis were divided among sons either before
or upon the death of a Rajput thakur , each inheriting son taking his part of the vasi and going to live on his share
{vant, gras ) of the paternal lands, a process referred to in the sources as judai ("separation").
82 Kanujo village is approximately fifteen miles southeast of Jaitaran town. Sec Map Two.
83 AB, p. 80, 86 ; Vigat, 1:69.
84 Ghughrot village is four or five miles south-southwest of Slvano. According lo NainsT. Ghughrot, although il had
no fort, was a good place to stay during difficult times, primarily because of its water supply and surrounding hills.
Vigat , 2:255-256. See Map Four also.
8:1 NRK, 3:128. For more details about this encounter, see below, p. 21.

18
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
28, 1572. 86 Most likely the battle occurred on May 11, 1573. 87 At that time Rav Candrasen
supposedly was settled in Kanujo. Also, when Rathor DevTdas Jaitavat visited Bhadrajan in
1572, Rav Candrasen was staying there. 88 Seventeenth-century chroniclers and modern
historians alike have all assumed that Rav Candrasen moved from Bhadrajan to Slvano to
Kanujo in an irreversible progression. In truth, he retained control over Slvano until April, 1576,
and may have revisited there several times between 1571 and January, 1575, when he finally fled
Marvar. As for Bhadrajan, the Mughals did not occupy the town until shortly after August 12,
1572, and then only briefly. Rav Candrasen likely spent some time in Bhadrajan as well as
Slvano after February 24, 1571. The Mughals also had less concern with him in 1572-73, when
they invaded and occupied Gujarat. He probably was able, if he wished, to move around
southern Marvar unimpeded for awhile. However, it is certain that he was no longer in
Bhadrajan when Khan-i Kalan was attacked there by a Rajput assassin in late August, 1572. 89
August, 1572 to Summer-Fall, 1573
Kanujo
Kanujo [is] ten kos from Jaitaran [town] in the east. [There are]
fifty halvos of land [and] fine fields. Ravat Naraindas, a Clto
86 "Bat Mandan Kumpavat rT," in Aitihasik Tavarikhvdr Vdrta (MS no. 1234, RajasthanT Sodh Samsthan,
CaupasnT), p. 68 indicates that Rano Udaisiiigh was building a palace for Mandan when he died; Marvar rT
thikdnam rT Vigat, ed. by Hukamsimh BhatT (CaupasnT, Jodhpur: RajasthanT Sodh Samsthan, 1998), p. 43 says that
Mandan lcli Mcvar for Marvar alicr the Rano "went" ( callyo = died). For Rano Udaisiiigh's date of death, see G. H.
Ojha, Udapur Rajya kd Itihas, 2 vols. (2 nd samskaran. Jodhpur: RajasthanT Granthagar, 1999 119281), 1:421.
87 The date of Slho's death, May 11, 1573, comes from the Sindhal Rathor genealogy in UCRK, 1:38. The
Kumpavat Rathor genealogy gives 1570-71 for the date of his death, which is before Rano Udaisiiigh died. Thus it
cannot be accepted. See UCRK, 1:291.
88 AB, 1:265; "Bat Rathor DevTdas Jaitavat rT," in Aitihasik Tavarikhvdr Varta (MS no. 1234, RajasthanT Sodh
Samsthan, CaupasnT), p. 71. These sources indicate DevTdas was a sanyasl for ten years, from his supposed death in
1562 until 1572. when he decided to return to his old life as a Rajput warrior. Shortly afterward he encountered Rav
Candrasen in Bhadrajan.
8y Akbar dispatched Khan-i Kalan to Gujarat as part of an advance guard of 10,000 mounted men on August 12,
1572, and the Khan arrived in Bhadrajan shortly afterward. Akbar himself left Ajmer on September 1, 1572 and
reached Bhadrajan on October 20. But he spent some time hunting, whereas the advance guard would have moved
more quickly. See AN, 2:540, 3:6-7; MT, 2:144; TA, 2:370.

19
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Mer, 90 resides [here].... The Raypur River is nearby. During a
time of trouble Rav Candrasen lived here.... [It is] a place suitable
to live [in] during a time of trouble. Vigat, 1:536.
Despite NainsT's favorable description, Kanujo was a small mountain village. Fifty
halvos were not that many. Two other Mer villages in the area, Caiig and Borar, had 100 and
200 halvos of land, respectively; Borar had a fort with walls twelve feet thick. Why did Rav
Candrasen choose to live in Kanujo? And why did he decide to come all the way from Slvano to
a section of Jaitaran Pargano that almost never was controlled by Rajputs, but rather was under
the authority of various Mer chieftains? These hill men were traditionally hostile to the Rajputs.
They raided their villages and killed many a Rajput who opposed them. 91
It would seem that one reason Rav Candrasen came to this area was its proximity to
Mevar, where a fellow ruler, Rano Pratap Udaisinghot (1572-97), was organizing resistance to
the Mughals. Rav Candrasen had married a daughter to Rano Pratap's father, 92 and he was on
good terms with Pratap himself. He attended his coronation in 1572. 93 Probably Rav Candrasen
reckoned that if he ever was forced out of Kanujo, he could go into Mevar and live (in fact this is
exactly what happened in 1575). He knew he could not stay in Slvano if he kept refusing to pay
the remainder of the penalty he owed the Mughals. The other possible choice, Pokaran and its
fort, which his men still controlled, was not strong enough to hold out against even a minor
Mughal expedition. He would have been trapped if they besieged Pokaran. And so he went to
Kanujo.
The reason Rav Candrasen picked Kanujo above Carig or Borar or some other Mer
village seems to have been his good relationship with Ravat Pancayan, the Mer ruler of Kanujo
at that time, who performed many services for him while he stayed in the village. Rav
Candrasen had his wives and other family members with him. Since he was responsible for their
safety, he had to be reasonably certain he would not have to abandon them if suddenly attacked
90 The Mers are a tribal people living mostly in the hills of Rajasthan and Gujarat. The best account of the
RajaslhanT Mers is C. J. Dixon. Sketch of Mairwara (London: Smith. Elder, and Co., 1850).
91 Richard Davis Saran, "Conquest and Colonization: Rajputs and Vasts in Middle Period Marvar" (Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Michigan, 1978), pp. 152-155.
92 See above, p. 10: MRMR, 2:38.
93 Ram Vallabh Somani, History of Mewar: From Earliest Times to 1751 A.D. (Jaipur: C. L Ranka & Co.,
[1976]), p. 219.

20
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
by either the Mers or the Mughals and forced to flee. Very likely Ravat Pancayan provided that
certainty.
The Mughal Invasion of Gujarat
1572-73
While Rav Candrasen got used to living in the small mountain village that was his new
home, Emperor Akbar prepared to invade Gujarat. He left Fathpur on July 4, 1572, and arrived
in Ajmer on July 26. On August 12 he dispatched Khan-i Kalan to Gujarat along with 10,000
troops as an advance guard. 95 The Khan soon reached Bhadrajan and halted in the village, which
Rav Candrasen had abandoned sometime previously. At this time the Rav of STrohT, Devro
Cahuvan Mansiiigh Dudavat, sent a small contingent of Rajputs to greet the Khan and offer
submission. Afterward the Khan called them up one by one. He was giving each some pan
according to custom as he dismissed them when one pulled out a dagger and stuck it through his
shoulder. The Khan's servants killed the Rajput immediately and "sent him to hell," in the
words of al-Badaonl. 96 The Khan survived; Akbar was infuriated. He himself arrived in
Bhadrajan along with the rest of the Imperial army on October 20, 1572. He proceeded from
there to STrohT and encamped in the town on October 24. Rav Mansiiigh had fled, but a number
of Rajputs had taken refuge in a temple of Mahadev near STrohT. Others surrounded Rav
Mansingh's palace. Akbar dispatched some archers and swordsmen and had them all killed. 97
While in STrohT, Akbar appointed VTko Rathor Raysingh Kalyanmalot, the future Raja of
BTkaner, governor of Jodhpur and ordered him to maintain troops there and in STrohT in order to
protect the Mughal army from attacks on its flanks while they advanced to Gujarat. Akbar was
particularly worried about the activities of Rano Pratap Udaisihghot in Mevar. After appointing
Raysingh, he left STrohT with his army for Pattan, Gujarat and arrived there on November 7,
04 AB, p. 80 \Vigat, 1:70.
95 AN. 2:538-540; MT, 2:143; TA, 2:372.
96 MT, 2:144.
97 AN, 3:6-8; MT, 2:144; TA, 2:372.

21
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
1572. 98 The invasion and subsequent pacification of Gujarat were to occupy Akbar for nearly a
year, until September 13, 1573, when he left Pattan for Fathpur."
Raysiiigh was to remain in charge of Jodhpur for over four years, until late 1576. 1(10 He
continued the policy of attacking troublesome Rajputs in their home villages that had begun with
the Mughal occupation of Jodhpur in 1565. 101 And he became a particular problem for Rav
Candrasen. The Blkaner ruling family had no love for the Jodhpur rulers. They remembered
with bitterness that Rav Malde had attacked Blkaner in 1542 and killed Rav JaitsI, its ruler. One
of Jaitsl's sons, Bhlmraj, along with the dispossessed ruler of Merto, Vlramde, subsequently had
appealed to Sher Shah Sur for help regaining their lost kingdoms. Sher Shah had invaded
Marvar in 1543-44 and destroyed Rav Malde's army at the battle of Samel. He then restored
Blkaner and Merto to their respective rulers. Afterward the relationship between the rulers of
Jodhpur and Blkaner fell to a new low. Akbar did not improve it by appointing Raysiiigh.
Death of Slho Slndhal
May 11,1573
Rav Candrasen himself evidently did not hinder Akbar's invasion of Gujarat. Nothing is
known of his activities from August, 1572 until May 11, 1573, when he became involved in a
deadly confrontation between Rathor Mandan Kumpavat and some Devro Cahuvan Rajputs.
98 AN, 3:8; DV, 15; MT, 2:144;TA, 2:372-373.
99 For an overview of Akbar's conquest of Gujarat, see A. L. Srivastava, Akbar the Great, vol. 1, Political History
(Agra: Shiva Lai Agarwala & Company, 1962), pp. 131-154.
100 Rajasthani sources are vague about Raja Raysingh's stay in Jodhpur. According to Persian sources, after
Candrasen left Jodhpur, Akbar gave it to Raysiiigh in late October or Farly November, 1572. But the Dalpat Vilas
(DV, p. 15) indicates that Rav Kalyanmal JaitsTyot (1542-74) and Raysiiigh both were sent to Jodhpur at this time,
and that Rav Kalyanmal was still there early in 1573 (DV, p. 20). It seems unlikely that Rav Kalyanmal, described
as too fat to mount a horse (TA, 2:362) would have stayed long in Jodhpur if he did at all. It is more likely he
remained in Blkaner while Raysiiigh performed the actual duties in Jodhpur. Then, when Rav Kalyanmal died on
January 24, 1574, Raysingh became the first Raja of Blkaner and continued to hold Jodhpur. Akbar relieved him of
his appointment there sometime in 1576. AB, p. 81 indicates he stayed in Jodhpur only two years, correct if the
author was counting only 1574-76. Vigat. 1:68 says that Raysiiigh was in Jodhpur one and one-half to iwo years,
from 1574-75 to 1577-78. Clearly ihis range of years is incorrect. JRKK, p. 109 states that Akbar gave Raysiiigh
Jodhpur in 1574-75 and that he stayed one and one-half years, a date range which is very close to agreeing with the
Akbar NamePs chronology of Raysiiigh's years in Jodhpur. See also RRK, 1:108.
101 UCRK, 1:467.

22
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Mandan, an exceptionally fierce, determined Rajput, had left military service in Mevar sometime
shortly after the death of Rano Udaisiiigh Sarigavat on February 28, 1572. 102 He was on the trail
of STho STndhal, who had left Mevar just previously to take up military service under GhaznT
Khan, the ruler of Jalor (ca. 1568-85). His goal was to kill Slho in revenge for the death of his
brother, Tejsl Kumpavat, whom Slho had killed previously. 103 He eventually found Slho within
the domain of UdaisI Devro. When Mandan killed STho there, an enraged UdaisI took it as a
personal insult to his authority. His retainers went after Mandan and his men, caught up to them,
and attacked. Many men died. In NainsT's words, "There was such a heap of Rajput corpses!"
Mandan was wounded but survived. 104
At this time Rav Candrasen was not in Kanujo, but rather in the mountains of Ghughrot
near Slvano. When he heard about this battle, he sent his retainers and had them kill all of
UdaisI Devro's men. 105 It was a demonstration that he still had some ability to carry out
significant military operations in Marvar. He was no match for Imperial armies, but he could
exert his sway over local Rajput thakurs. He also was able to move around Marvar without
attracting much attention from the Mughals. He was soon to prove just how great a nuisance he
could be.
Mevar, Rav Candrasen, and Slvano Affairs
May 11,1573 to March, 1574
While the Mughal army marched to Gujarat during August-September of 1572, Akbar
sent Jalal Khan QurchI 106 to Mevar to hold preliminary discussions with the new Rano, Pratap
102 See above, p. 17.
103 ATV, 65; UCRK, 1:38, 292, 337-338. NRK, 3:123 states that STho killed Coyand KOmpavat, not TejsT, but this
is incorrect.
104 NRK, 3:124-128. For a biography of Mandan KOmpavat, see MRMR, 2:312-320. This biography unfortunately
was compiled without the availability of additional information in UCRK, 1:38, 291-292 and in Marvar rl
Thikanam ri Vigat , pp. 36, 43.
105 NRK, 3:128.
106 Jalal Khan QurchI was a personal servant (Arabic khawass: RajasthanI khavas) and favorite of Akbar's. AA,
1:531, no. 213; Shah Navaz Khan AwrangabadI, The Maathir-ul-Umara, being Biographies of the Muhammadan
and Hindu Officers of the Timurid Sovereigns of India from 1500 to about 1780 A.D., translated by H. Beveridge,
revised, annotated and completed by Baini Prashad, 3 vols. (Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1941-64), 1:737; MT,
2:189; UCRK, 1:316.

23
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Udaisirighot (1572-97). Apparently nothing of substance was accomplished, and the Khan went
back to attend upon Akbar in Ahmadabad on November 27, 1572. 107 Later, in April of 1573,
Akbar sent Kachvaho Kumvar Mansingh Bhagvandasot of Amber 108 to Duiigarpur, where he
fought and defeated its ruler, Raval Askaran, on April 18. 109 Kumvar Mansingh then proceeded
to Udaipur. Some sources say he met directly with the Rano, who had arranged a feast for him
on the bank of the Udaisagar Lake. Others maintain the Rano sent his son, Amarsingh, to meet
there with Kumvar Mansingh, who took the Rano's absence as an insult and left without even
eating. 110 The Raval Ranajl ri Vat, a Mevar chronicle, notes that Kumvar Mansingh sent one of
Rano Pratap's retainers, BhTm DodTyo, to ask the Rano why he would not eat with him,
whereupon the Rano sent word back pointedly reminding Mansingh that he was connected by
marriage to the Emperor (a Muslim) and that he ate together with him. 111 According to NainsI,
STsodlyo Ravat Khangar Ratanslyot warned the Rano that Kumvar Mansingh was "of a singular
nature," implying that there was something unusual or strange about him. Khangar told the Rano
not to meet with Mansingh, but he did anyway. Mansingh became offended during the meal and
left. 112 In his Akbar Nama, Abu-1-Fazl relates a slightly different story, stating that the Rano did
meet with Mansingh, but, "owing to his evil nature," he would not agree to go to the Mughal
court. He temporized and gave Mansingh leave to return to Akbar. Akbar sent two more
missions to the Rano, one in September and another in December, 1573. Both failed. The Rano
was consistently courteous, except perhaps to Kumvar Mansingh, but he never agreed to serve
107 TA, 2:375; Somani, History of Mewar, p. 222.
108 Rajavat Kachvaho Kumvar Mansingh Bhagvandasot, who subsequently rose to the highest mansab rank of any
HindO serving Akbar (7,000/6,000) and became Raja of Amber, 1589-1614.
100 Somani, History of Mewar, p. 222. Aharo Gahlot Rava] Askaran PrithTrajot ruled Duiigarpur, a small polity in
southern Rajasthan, from ca. 1549-80. The Aharos of Duiigarpur were the allies of the Rano of Mevar.
110 Ibid.
111 Mevar Raval Ranajl rl Vat, ed. by Hukamsimh BhatT (Udaypur: Pratap Sodh Pratisthan, 1994), p. 66.
112 NRK, 1:39.

24
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Akbar." ? Instead, he began strengthening his defenses in western Mevar. He also began looking
to other Rajputs unaligned with the Mughals for their support." 4
Rav Candrasen had maintained good relations with Rano Pratap. As noted above, he
attended his coronation at Kumbhalgarh in early 1572.'" One may recall also that he had
married his daughter to Rano Udaisingh, Pratap's father, in 1569. 116 He may have moved his
family to Kanujo to be closer to Mevar in case he had to flee from the Mughals once again. It
seems probable that he and Pratap formed some sort of agreement during 1573 or early 1574 in
order to confront the Mughals more aggressively.
In March, 1574, when the new Imperial regnal year began on the eleventh, Akbar was in
Ajmer. He received information that Rav Candrasen had "rebelled" and strengthened the fort in
Slvano, which Abu-1-Fazl describes as "the strongest fort" in Ajmer Province." 7 It was not the
strongest, but it was one of the least accessible, situated in a mountainous area with several other,
smaller forts nearby from which the Rathors could harass any besiegers. 118 Once taken, it was
difficult to hold because of the hostile neighborhood. Sultan Ala-ud-dln of Delhi had conquered
Slvano in 1308, but then his men abandoned it, perhaps out of sheer boredom induced by living
at such a remote outpost. Akbar appointed Shah Qui! Mahram," 9 Raja Raysiiigh (who had just
succeeded his father, Rav Kalyanmal, as ruler of BTkaner), 120 Shimal Khan, 121 MertTyo Rathor
113 AN, 3:57; Somani. History of Mevar. p. 222.
114 Ibid., pp. 223-226.
113 See above, p. 18.
116 See above, p. 10.
117 AN, 3:113.
118 See Map One and above, p. 15.
110 Shah QulT Mahram Baharlti, a Mughal commander of 3,500. He received his nickname '"Mahram" (one who is
admiiled lo the harem) because he had been allowed lo enter Akbar's harem, alter which he was castrated. AA,
1:387.
120 Raja Raysiiigh ruled BTkaner from 1574-1612.
121 Shimal Khan Chela, a QurchT or armor-bearer of the Emperor. He reached a rank of 1.000 in Mughal service.
AA, 1:491 (no. 154).

25
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Kesodas Jaimalot of Merto, 122 and others to go to Slvano and "chastise the presumptuous one,
Rav Candrasen. But he offered to be generous if Candrasen changed his ways. 123
Akbar's contingent set out first for Sojhat, where Rav Kalo Ramot, the son of Rav Ram
Maldevot, had entered Mughal service and succeeded his father as ruler in May of 1573. 124 Upon
the approach of the Mughal force, Rav Kalo abandoned Sojhat and fled to Slriyarl (Slrbari in the
Akbar Nama) village in the hilly region of southeastern Sojhat Pargano. The Mughal officers
pursued him and burnt the fort in the village. The Rav escaped from there and went to
Gorambhram (Koramba in the Akbar Nama), a large hill above Saran village, about two miles
northeast of STriyari. 125 When he perceived that he was about to be taken, he submitted and
brought his half-brother, Kesodas Ramot, and two of his supporters, Rathor Mahes Kumpavat
and Rathor Prithlraj Kumpavat, with him in order to re-enter Mughal Service. 126 Akbar then
permitted Rav Kalo to remain behind in order to "readjust his broken fortunes," as Abu-1-Fazl
put it, while the Mughal expedition proceeded to Slvano. 127
Why did he flee initially? Persian chronicles offer no reason, but RajasthanI chronicles
relate that Rav Kalo had become involved with a woman of Akbar's harem. 128 Either he entered
the harem and initiated the encounter, or he was enticed to do so. 129 Akbar found out about it by
having one of the harem women who knew what happened reveal the truth under duress. 130
122 Kesodas Jaimalot was the son of Mertlyo Rathor Jaimal Vlramdevot, Rav of Merto 1544-57, 1562. Kesodas had
been in Mughal service from 1570-71 onward. See MRMR, 2:359-362 for a short biography.
123 AN, 3:113.
124 AB, p. 82.
125 Vigat, 1:465; AN, 3:113. The hill rises to a height of 3,066 ft.
126 It may be that Prithlraj and Mahes Kumpavat, both of whom were in Mughal service previously, were sent to Rav
Kalo while he was hiding on the hill of Gorambhram to persuade him to submit. It seems unlikely that they had
joined him in his initial flight from Sojhat. Prithlraj in particular never displayed any hostility toward or fear of the
Mughals. Sec MRMR. 2:308-312, for biographies of Prithlraj and Mahes Kumpavat.
127 AN, 3:113-114.
128 AB, 82; JRKK, p. 103; RRK, 1:103, Murarddn, p. 593; Vigat, 1:72.
129 Only Vigat , 1:72 indicates Rav Kalo initialed the encounter.
130 Ibid.

26
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Unfortunately the RajasthanI chronicles give no exact dates either for the encounter or for
Akbar's becoming aware of it, but it was before the Mughals reached Sojhat. 131 In the words of
the Rav Candrasen ri Vat, "Then, somewhere within the Imperial palace, a certain situation
turned bad [for Kalo]. Afterward he came [back] to Sojhat. He fled the city and built a hideout
in Siriyarl [and] Dlghor." Rav Kalo may have thought Akbar knew about the harem escapade,
and therefore he abandoned Sojhat for a safer position in Siriyarl and Dlghor.
He may also have been influenced by pressure from Rano Pratap and Rav Candrasen to
disassociate himself from the Mughals. Sojhat was not far from Kanujo (twenty miles);
Candrasen would have been able to attack it fairly easily if he wished, particularly if Rav Kalo
had gone with the Mughals to STvano. And Rano Pratap, who had married Phfil Kumvar, Rav
Ram's daughter (and Rav Kalo's sister or half-sister), 132 no doubt had some influence over him.
Many Rajputs of that time, whether in Mughal service or not, venerated Rano Pratap and
Rav Candrasen for their maintenance of what many considered Rajput honor in the face of
Mughal attacks. To the Marvar poet Durso Adho, a Caran, Candrasen was the equivalent of
Pratap. In his words, "The Mevar Rano [is] the equal of the Rav; the Jodhpur Rav [is] the equal
of the Rano." 133 Both deserved the highest praise. They never accepted Mughal service.
Perhaps their actions appealed to Rav Kalo, and so he fled, rather than joining an Imperial
expedition to STvano, in part to keep Rav Candrasen from using the fort there as a place of
refuge.
By mid-March, 1574, the Mughals had reached STvano Pargano and were plundering
local villages. 134 Rav Candrasen himself was not there; his ally, Raval Meghraj Hapavat, the
131 In the words of the Rav Candrasen rl Vat , "Then, somewhere within the Imperial palace, a certain situation
turned bad [for Kalo]. Afterward he came [back] to Sojhat. He fled the city and built a hideout in Siriyarl [and]
Dlghor."
132 "Maharanom ke Antahpur kl Haklkat,"' in Mevar Raval Ranajl rl Bat , p. 126.
133 Rdva sariso Mevaro Rano, Rane siriso Jodhapura Rava. in Vyas, p. 210. "Gil Maharana Pratap nai Candrasen
Rath| or| rl." in Dursa Arha. Dursa Arha Granthdvall. cd. by Bhupaliram Sakariya (Udapur: Sahilya Samsthan.
Rajaslhan VidyapTlh, 1983). p. 158, has a different version: Ravi sarlkhau Mevaro Rano, Ravi sarlkhau
Jodhapura Rava ("The Mevar Rano [is] the equal of the sun; the Jodhpur Rav is [also] the equal of the sun").
Dursa Arha (Durso Adho in RajasthanI) was a contemporary of Rav Candrasen and Rano Pratap. He held two
villages of Sojhat Pargano as samsan (tax-free) grants, but Moto Raja Udaisiftgh Maldevot of Jodhpur (1583-95)
took them away. Vigat, 1:82.
134 AN, 3:114

27
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Maheco Rathor ruler of Mahevo (whom Abu-1- Fazl calls Rawal Sukhraj), 135 was holding the
fort. The Rav sent some men to assist Ravaj Meghraj in attacking the Mughals. 136 In the ensuing
battle, several men on both sides were killed, including Meghraj's brother. 137 Ravaj Meghraj,
defeated, offered his submission to the Mughals and sent his son to them for service. 138 He spent
the rest of Rav Candrasen's reign mostly in his village, taking no part in any further struggles. 139
The Mughals proceeded onward to Slvano Fort. Abu-1-Fazl has written that "Candar Sen did not
think it advisable to remain himself in the fort and made it over to Patal Rathor 140 and Patal
Baqqal." 141 Previously Abu-1-Fazl had pointed out that the attacks on Rav Kalo in Sojhat
Pargano had "disturbed" Candrasen's security, a statement that probably means Candrasen was
in Kanujo and not in Slvano at this time. 142 Perhaps it also implies there was some sort of alliance
between Rav Kalo and Rav Candrasen.
The Mughal army began the siege of Slvano, and Akbar, satisfied with what had
happened so far, left Ajmer on March 17, 1574 for his capitol. 143 The siege dragged on for the
13:5 Ibid. See also MRMR, 2:333-334; Hukamsimh Bhati, Maheca Rathaurom ka MM Itihas (Jodhpur: Ratan
Prakasan, 2001), pp. 55-56. Mahevo (modern MallanT) is the name of an area of western Marvar and also a village
sixty-six miles southwest of Jodhpur and five miles south of Kher village.
136 ''Candar Sen sent Suja and DcbT Das (noi to be confused with DcvTdas Jaitavat. for whom see below, pp, 28-31)
wilh some brave men to assist [the| Rawal ...." AN. 3:114. I have been unable to identify Suja with certainty.
137 AN, 3:114 calls this man Man. Probably he was the Maheco Rathor Mai Hapavat, Ravaj Meghraj's brother. See
UCRK, 1:80. which, however, does not mention that Mai was killed during this period.
138 AN, 3:114.
139 UCRK, 1:73.
140 Balavat Rathor Pato Nagavat. Pato was the thakur of Dunaro village during the reign of Rav Candrasen and a
strong supporter of the Rav. During the succession dispute of 1563 following Rav Malde's death in November,
1562, Pato fought off an attack on Dunaro by Rav Candrasen's half-brother, Raymal Maldevot and killed dtwenty of
Raymal's men. Later in his life Palo went insane and had lo be restrained with camel chains ( naul , an iron chain for
binding the forefeet of a camel). UCRK, 1:405-406.
141 AN, 3:114. Patal Baqqal may tentatively be identified as Mumhato Pato Urjanoi. Sec below, p. 38.
142 AN, 3:113-114.
143 AN, 3:114.

28
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
next two years under Raja Raysingh's lackluster supervision. The one great value of the long
siege for the Mughals was that it kept Rav Candrasen away from STvano and southern Marvar.
The Return of Devldas Jaitavat, 1574
The end was that Deo Das fell from his horse and was assailed by a
number who cut him to pieces. The victorious troops returned with
success and glory. Some said that Deo Das came out of his battle,
wounded; and some ten or twelve years afterwards a person
appeared in a jogi's dress and assumed this name. Some
acknowledged him, and many rejected him. He lived for a while
and then was killed in some adventure. AN, 2:250.
Emperor [Akbar] did not accept [that he was Deidas. He
summoned Deldas and said: "You were an excellent Rajput. Why
did you live outside [Marvar] for so many days and come [back]
again [only now]?" Then [Deldas] said: "I left Marvar [because I
was] not the sort of Rajput [who would stay] in the land. The
Mughals had subjugated the land." The Emperor said: "How
should one know you [are] Deldas?" Then [Deidas] said: "I truly
[am] Deldas. If [in the future] four thousand [Imperial] horsemen
[must] stay at a military outpost [where formerly] a thousand used
to stay, then truly [I am he]." UCRK, 1:266.
On March 20, 1562 Rathor DevTdas Jaitavat, commander of the fort in Merto town in
Marvar, came to an agreement with the leader of the besieging Mughal army, Sharafud-Din
Husayn. Devldas was to leave the stores behind, surrender the fort to the Mughals, and leave
unimpeded. Such an agreement was known in Rajasthan as "leaving by the door of dharma
(idharmadvara )," that is, surrendering a fort with a guarantee of safe conduct. It seemed the two-
month siege would end without bloodshed, but then Devldas burned the stores inside the fort.
Worse, as he was leaving, he took his metalled stick and bashed out the brains of a Mughal
soldier who had placed his hands on a firearm Devldas was carrying, one that was the personal
possession of Rav Malde. Sharafu'd-DTn was no doubt enraged. MertTyo Rathor Jaimal
VTramdevot, who had assisted Sharafu'd-DTn during the siege, remarked that Devldas would go
back to Jodhpur and cause more trouble in the future unless they did something. 144
144 AB, p. 54-55 (translated in MRMR, 1:183-184); Vigat , 2:64 (translated in MRMR, 1:133-134). See also AN,
2:248-249; MT, 2:46; TA, 2:258-259; Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power in
India, till the year A.D. 1612. translated from the original Persian by John Briggs. 4 vols. (London: Longman,

29
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Devldas marched away from them with only a small contingent. After he went a few
miles, Sharafu'd-DTn caught up to him with a larger Mughal force. Devldas had no choice. He
turned around to face the pursuers and stood waiting. An exceptionally bloody battle occurred
near Satalvas village. 143 Around 300 men were killed. It was thought Devldas himself had
died. 146 Word was sent back to his home village, Vagn, 147 the seat of the Jaitavat Rathor lineage.
Some of DevTdas's wives became satls. m
Ten years later, in 1572, a man appeared in Bhadrajan claiming to be Devldas. 149
Believed dead after 1562, it appears instead that he had been severely wounded in the head and
in a coma for some time. But he slowly recovered, thanks to the aid of a DasnamT ascetic, 130 and
then became an atit or sannyasi himself. He spent a decade wandering about. 151 Then, after
being insulted during a communal meal by a man of a lower jati, he revealed his true identity,
returned to Marvar, and abandoned his ascetic garb. He attempted to join Rav Candrasen in
Bhadrajan in 1572, but the Rav would not speak to him. 152 Others, including Akbar, who met
him at some point, were uncertain he even was Devldas. 133 After a series of endeavors, aided by
Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green, 1829), 2:209. For an account of the siege and events preceding it, see Saran, "The
Mughal Siege of Jodhpur, 1565: A Forgotten Imperial Episode," pp. 9-20.
143 Satalvas village is four miles southwest of Mcrto.
146 Persian chronicles indicate that between 200 and 250 men died with Devldas at Satalvas. See MT, 2:46;
Ferishtah, History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power in India, 2:209; TA, 2:260. MRK, p. 42, says that 165 of
DevTdas's men died with him, while Sharafu'd-DTn Husayn lost 135. Other RajasthanT sources list only the more
important companions of Devldas who were killed. For a composite list of forty-two men, see MRMR. 1:234-235.
147 Vagn village is nine miles cast-southeast of Sojhat. See Map Two also.
148 ATV, p. 71;UCRK, 1:265.
149 For the chronology of DevTdas's return, see Appendix B, "Chronology Problems."
13(1 Cf. Matthew Clark. The Dasanaml-Samnyasls: The Integration of Ascetic Lineages into an Order (Leiden:
Brill. 2006), for a discussion of this order. UCRK. 1:269 says that "JogTs" rescued Devldas.
131 AN, 2:250. 3:224; ATV. p. 71; UCRK, 1:265, 269-270.
152 ATV, p. 71; UCRK, 1:266.
153 AN, 2:250, 3:224; ATV, p. 72; UCRK, 1:266.

30
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
his good relationship with Jalal Khan QurchI, 154 a Mughal officer and favorite ( khavas ) of
Akbar's, and help from Kachvaho Jaimal Rupslyot, an Imperial officer and the husband of Rav
Candrasen's niece, DametT Bal, 15 ' Devidas succeeded in regaining his old seat of rule, Vagri,
around October, 1574, 136 deposing his own son, Askaran Devldasot, 157 who had been granted
Vagri by Rav Kalo Ramot of Sojhat. 138 Nainsi considered Vagri to be equivalent in size to
Sojhat itself, a town of approximately 10,000 people. Its revenues were considerable and so
Devidas at once was able to begin assembling retainers. 159 Soon he had a contingent of around
500. 160 The Mughals undoubtedly had wanted him to act as a check against Rav Candrasen and
also Rav Kalo, in whom they had little confidence. However, within a few months he instead
began to carry out attacks on the Mughal outposts nearby. 161 His presence in Sojhat complicated
an already tense, volatile situation in eastern Marvar.
Rav Candrasen, the Udavats, and the Raid on Jodhpur
Late 1574
While Devidas was establishing his authority in Vagri, Rav Candrasen was attempting to
broaden his local support further to the north in Jaitaran Pargano. 162 The Jaitaran region was the
154 See above, p. 31, n. 104.
135 ATV, p. 72; NRK, 1:312; UCRK, 1:266. DametT Bal was the daughter of Udaisingh Maldevot, Candrasen's
brother.
^ AB, p. 82, indicates that around the time Rav Kalo fled, Devidas returned to Sojhat. ATV, p. 72, and UCRK,
1:266, note that Devidas returned during the month of Kartik (October-November.). From other evidence, this must
have been Kartik, V.S. 1631 or October, 1574. See Appendix B, "Chronological Problems."
LV7 Askaran Devldasot was born on April 19, 1559, so he would have been only fifteen years old when he was
deposed by his father, Devidas. UCRK, 1:269.
158 AN, 3:224; ATV, p. 72; UCRK, 1:266, 316.
I:,y Vagri produced more revenue than the town of Sojhat in the period 1658-63. Sec Vigat , 1:425 (Sojhat), 430
(Vagri).
16(1 ATV, p. 72: UCRK, 1:266.
161 UCRK, 1:266. See also below, pp. 49-50.
162 The town of Jaitaran is fifty-six miles east of Jodhpur.

31
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
homeland of the Udavat branch of the Rathor Rajputs. Udo Sujavat, the founder of this branch,
had taken Jaitaran from the STndhaj Rathors in 1483 and built a fort there. By the time of his
death in 1511, he had created a little kingdom of about 140 villages, which he divided among his
sons. During the reign of Rav Gango in Jodhpur (1515-32), some of the Udavats supported Rano
Sahgo of Mevar, while others continued to align themselves with Jodhpur. After Rano Sahgo
died in 1528, the Udavat leaders all abandoned Mevar service and submitted to Rav Malde of
Jodhpur (1532-62). 163
Toward the end of his reign, Rav Malde supported Hajl Khan, a former officer of the Sur
Emperors, in his fight at Harmaro (January 24, 1557) with the Rano of Mevar, Udaisingh
Sangavat, and the new Mughal Emperor, Akbar. When HajT Khan subsequently fled to Jaitaran
and received protection, Akbar ordered an invasion of this district. On March 13, 1558, a
contingent of Mughals overran Jaitaran town and killed its ruler, Udavat Rathor RatansI
Khlmvavat, along with dozens of his retainers. 164 The Mughals were unable to hold the area for
long, so Rav Malde gave Jaitaran to another Udavat, Jasvant Dungarslyot. He in turn was driven
into the hills by Mughal incursions in 1560. He went to Borar, a village in the Mer territory of
eastern Jaitaran, where he had a small fort built. Jasvant supported Rav Candrasen for awhile,
but after Jodhpur Fort fell in December, 1565 he took up a neutral position between Rav
Candrasen and Rav Ram of Sojhat. Unfortunately for Jasvant, his harsh policy toward the local
Mer tribesmen near Borar caused them to bring in the Mughals, who ambushed and killed him
on October 18, 1566. 163
A few years later, perhaps as early as 1569, several of the sons of Rav RatansT, the
Udavat ruler of Jaitaran who had fought and died fighting the Mughals in 1558, approached
Akbar and were given permission to take up their residence in Asarlai village of Jaitaran
Pargano. 166 Asarlai was a large village with a sizeable yearly revenue. Its possession allowed
the Udavat brothers to provide for their retainers and families but did not provide them with
163 For two accounts of the Udavat Rathors, see MRMR, 2:386-408; UCRK, 2:286-318. Unfortunately, the authors
of MRMR did not have access to UCRK before MRMR's publication. Murardan, pp. 575-585 includes a
genealogy of the Udavats, many of whom are not included in the genealogy contained in UCRK, 2:286-318.
164 For details of the battle of Harmaro and the subsequent sack of Jaitaran, see MRMR, 396-397, 403-406; Saran,
"The Mughal Siege of Jodhpur, 1565: A Forgotten Imperial Episode, pp. 9-12.
165 For accounts of Jasvant Dungarslyot, see AB, pp. 68-73; UCRK, 2:306-307.
166 AB, p. 86; JRKK, p. 110; RRK, 1:110; Vigat , 1:69-70, 495. Asarlai village is just east of Jaitaran town. Vigat,
1:518-519. See Map Two also.

32
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
enough resources to mount any sort of threat against the Mughal outpost in Jaitaran town.
Nevertheless, Rav Candrasen appealed to these brothers, Ram, Gopaldas, Kalyandas, and
Narhardas RatansTyot, 167 saying "You settled the land [of AsarlaT village]. My opportunity to
win in this business [with the Mughals] is being destroyed. You must not settle [there]." 168 He
wanted them to join his anti-Mughal campaign, but when they refused, he shortly afterward
attacked AsarlaT, burnt it, killed a few Rajputs, and left. Three of the Udavat brothers were gone
at the time; the fourth managed to hide in the village and survive. 169
Right afterward, in late 1574, 170 Rav Candrasen carried out a spectacular raid on Jodhpur
itself. Raja Raysiiigh of BTkaner, the governor of Jodhpur, took refuge in the fort and did
nothing, according to the Mundiyar ri Khyat} 11 The Dalpat Vilas , a near-contemporary
chronicle written in BTkaner, has no mention of this event at all, probably because it made Raja
Raysiiigh look bad. The Akbar Nama's account indicates that Raja Raysiiigh was in STvano at
this time. He came to Ajmer and reported to Akbar that Rav Candrasen was making a
"disturbance" in Jodhpur and that the army sent to STvano for the siege had not been able to stop
it. 172 Rav Candrasen had demanded money from the Baniyas of Jodhpur; he left the city with rs.
50,000-60,000 cash, cloth, opium, and other goods. 173 The Baniyas appealed to the Mughals for
help. They were joined in their appeal by the Udavats. 174 Rav Candrasen, by looting his former
capital, Jodhpur, and attacking one of the families that had supported his own for decades, had
made himself unwelcome in Marvar. He had little support left. The leading men of the major
167 For biographical information concerning these four brothers, see UCRK, 2:287 (Ram), 2:290 (Kalyandas), 2:298
(Gopaldas). and 2:301 (Narhardas).
168 AB, p. 86.
169 Ibid.
170 JRKK, p. 110 and RRK, 1:110 note that at the very time of the attack on AsarlaT, Rav Candrasen "demanded
something" from the Baniyas of Jodhpur and gave them "distress." Vigat , 1:70 has a similar account. AN, 3:154
records that it was in mid-December, 1574 that Akbar, who was in Ajmer, received word from Raja Raysiiigh of
BTkaner that Rav Candrasen was causing trouble in Jodhpur.
171 MRK, p. 50.
172 AN, 3:155.
178 MRK, p. 50.
174 AB, p. 86; JRKK, p. 110; RRK, 1:110; MRK, p. 51; Vigat , 1:70.

33
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Rathor lineages in eastern Marvar— the Udavats of Jaitaran, the Kumpavats of Sojhat, the
MertTyos of Merto— now were against him. Another powerful Rathor, Jaitmal Jaisavat, the
Campavat ruler of Auvo village (in Sojhat Pargano), had mostly ignored Rav Candrasen (whom
he disliked) during the Rav's time of troubles, providing him only with grain. 175 And soon
Devldas Jaitavat of Vagrl was to turn against him as well.
Thus it was that in late December, 1574 or early January, 1575 that Akbar, still in Ajmer,
ordered Taiyib Khan. Sayyid Beg Toqbal, Subhan Qui! Turk Kharram, 'Azmat Khan. Sewa
Das, 176 the Sayyids of Jaitaran, Raja Raysirigh of Blkaner, the four Udavat brothers, and Mertlyo
Rathor Surtan Jaimalot of Merto to carry out an attack against Rav Candrasen in Kanujo. 177
Leaving Marvar: Late December, 1574 to Early January, 1575
Then the Mahajans appealed to the Turks. Then, bringing an army
of Turks and united with the Blkaner people and the Mertlyos, the
Udavats also came again, and all joined together. They brought
the army of Mughals upon Rav CandrasenjI. MRK, p. 51
Taiyib Khan. Sayyid Beg Toqbal, Subhan Qui! Turk Kharram.
Azmat Khan. Sewa Das, and many able servants were sent against
Candar Sen. That ill-fated one withdrew from Rampur to the steep
mountains. The victorious army, knowing that the daily-increasing
fortune of the world's Khedive made difficulties easy, retreated to
the hill country. They were partially successful, and many of the
guilty were trodden underfoot. The wretch (Candar) could not
withstand them and became a vagabond in the desert of
destruction. The ghazis from inexperience and shortsightedness
175 JRKK, p. 114; RRK, 1:114.
176 Sewa Das is Beveridge's transliteration of l >A j ^ in the Persian Text, while Thackston (5:329) has transliterated
this name as Sheo Das, who he suggests is the nephew of a Kachvaho RajpOt, Raja BiharT Mai (5:741, s.v. Sheo
Das). It might also be transliterated as STvdas or Sevdas. STvdas eould be a form of the RajaslhanT name Sivdas;
Sevdas is not a likely name. However, there is no Sivdas listed in the Kachvaho genealogy given by NainsI (NRK,
1:286-332). Perhaps Sevdas is a copyist's error for = Deodas or Devdas (i.e. DevTdas), and so this person
might have been DevTdas Jaitavat. who just previously had received VagrT from Akbar. It would not have been a
long inarch (fifteen miles) from Vagrl to Kanujo for Devldas. Other locals (e.g., Surtan Jaimalot, the four Udavat
brothers, and the Sayyids) managed a similar distance quite well.
177 AB, p. 86; AN, 3:155; MRK, p. 51; Vigat, 1:70.

34
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
regard his flight as the end of the task and returned to court without
being summoned. AN, 3:155
Meanwhile Rav Candrasen escaped. Thus it was that Rav
Candrasen, in a bad state, fled away. He ascended a mountain and
the thakurs turned back. RamsinghjT sacked Rav Candrasen's
village gudho, and, after removing Rav Candrasen, proceeded
back to Sojhat. DV, 30-31.
The Dalpat Vilas indicates that a contingent set out from the military outpost in Sojhat
and headed to Kanujo under the leadership of Rathor Ramsingh Kalyanmalot of Blkaner. 178 The
major Persian sources do not mention Ramsingh or any other Hindu in the contingent, except,
perhaps, a certain "Sewa Das." 179 The RajasthanI chronicles do not mention any Muslim
commanders by name, although they agree that the Mughals were involved in the attack. 180 They
do not have any reference to Sewa Das. Two RajasthanI sources agree that Ramsingh
Kalyanmalot joined the assault against Kanujo. 181 Raja Raysingh apparently was separate and
with the other Mughal officers at this particular moment, 182 as were the Udavat and Mertlyo
Rathors. 183 Perhaps they came from Ajmer and followed Ramsingh and his men to Kanujo.
Upon arriving in the vicinity of Kanujo, Ramsingh's retainers fought a short battle with
Rav Candrasen's men in a narrow pass. 184 The Rav fled on ahead with his family in "a bad
178 DV, p. 31. Ramsingh Kalyanmalot was Raja Raysiiigh's brother. Cf. Murardan. p. 570: UcRK, 2:163-164a.
179 AN, 3:155. See also TA, 2:455. See above, p. 33, n. 176 concerning Sewa Das (i.e., probably Devldas).
1811 AB, p. 80; JRKK, p. 110; RRK, 1:110; MRK, p. 51; Vigat, 1:70. Only the Dalpat Vilas fails to mention the
Mughals.
181 AE, p. 80; DV, p. 30.
182 "'The BTkanerTyo, Raja Raysimh, was with the Turks." AB, p. 80.
18 ' "Then, bringing an army of Turks and together with the Blkaner people and the Mertlyos, the Udavats also came
again, and all joined together. They brought the army of the Mughals upon Rav CandrasenjT." MRK, p. 51.
184 The Akbar Nama (AN, 3;155) indicates that the Mughal army had driven Rav Candrasen from Rampur prior to
reaching Kanujo. Rampur is probably Rampuro, a village of Jaitaran Pargano, or possibly Raypur, another village
of Jaitaran. It might be Ramgarh. a fori in the hills near Borar village, not very far from Kanujo. Rampuro village is
about ten miles northeast of Sojhat. See Map Two also.

35
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
state," according to the Dalpat Vilas , 185 "a vagabond in the desert of destruction" in the colorful
phrasing of Abu-l-Fazl. 186 The cindhariyos, or household soldiers from BTkaner, caught up to
him from the rear, whereupon a Brahman, Dehasri Tilok Kanhavat, wearing the hajarmekhi
chain mail common among Rajputs of high rank, confronted them and was killed along with a
few others. 187 Mansiiigh KhetsTyot, a Rathor of the Karanot branch, 188 thought the cTndharTyos
had killed Rav Candrasen himself. So did his commander, Ramsingh Kalyanmalot. He
mistakenly bent down and licked the blood of the dead Brahman in revenge for his grandfather
Jaitsl's death in 1542 when Rav Candrasen's father, Rav Malde, had attacked BTkaner. Others
knew the Brahman was not Candrasen. Someone said that one Brahman had died (a serious
offense) and that more would die if they continued fighting. Then they took the Brahman's
sacred thread and armor and left. Meanwhile Rav Candrasen escaped. 189 He ascended a steep
mountain, "an inaccessible place, a jungle densely covered with trees," in the words of the
Tabaqat-I Akbari, 90 and the pursuers all turned back. Ramsingh and his retainers sacked the
Rav's giidho in Kanujo while Ravat Narayan, the headman of the Mers in Kanujo, helped the
Rav get away. After killing some of Rav Candrasen's men and plundering the giidho , Ramsingh
went back to Sojhat. 191
In Ajmer, Akbar was enraged upon hearing that Rav Candrasen had been allowed to
escape. The "ghazis," as Abu-l-Fazl calls them, had considered their task accomplished after
sacking the gudho and returned to court without being summoned. They were all demoted, but
the Hindu commanders from Sojhat, perhaps because they had led the assault, evidently were
not. 192 No RajasthanI source records any sort of punishment or demotion occurring at this time.
185 DV, p. 30
186 AN, 3:155.
187 AB, p. 80; DV, p. 30; JRKK, p. 110; Vigat , 1:70.
188 For a short biography of Karanot Rathor Mansingh KhetsTyot see UCRK, 1:507. His brother, Sujo KhetsTyot,
was Rav Candrasen's military servant and died fighting in this battle.
189 AB, p. 80; DV, pp. 30-31.
19(1 TA. 2:455. According to al-BadaonT. ''he withdrew into the jungles, which were full of mango-lrccs. and lied."
MT, 2:188-189.
191 AB, p. 80; AN, 3:155; DV, p. 31; JRKK, p. 110, Vigat 1:70.
192 AN, 3:155.

36
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
After the demotions, Akbar, having "disposed of the affairs of that part of the country," left
Ajmer in early January, 1575. 193
III. From Mudaro to SIvrar, January, 1575 to July 19,1579 194
Mudaro, January, 1575 to April, 1576
Rav Candrasen went south after leaving Kanujo and spent a short time in Phulaj, a village
in southeastern Sojhat Pargano. The Mughals attacked his gudho there and killed one of his
retainers. 195 Then, nearly destitute, Rav Candrasen entered Mevar probably sometime in January
of 1575. He received a pato for Mudaro village (also called Madar or Mandar village in the
RajasthanI sources) from Rano Pratap. 196 Contemporary and modern historians of Marvar alike
fail to note the significance of this pato, which is that Rav Candrasen had to submit himself
formally to the authority of Pratap and provide military service in the manner of a common
military servant ( cakar ). In other words, Pratap did not treat him with the full courtesy he might
have had Rav Candrasen been in a better position. Still, the pato supplied him with a small
source of income with which to pay his men and provide for his long-suffering extended family.
According to NainsI, Mudaro was the village where previously the Rav had married Rano
Udaisirigh's daughter Candabal STsodnl. 197 It may have been the Mudoro mentioned in Rano
Rajsingh's Pargana Bahi of 1656-57, 198 but this village was located east of Udaipur, in an area
probably not under Rano Pratap's direct control at the time Rav Candrasen was in Mevar.
Mudoro was evaluated at only rs. 400 per year; it was a village of Brahmans. If indeed it was the
Rav's home for the one and one-half years he spent in Mevar, it was a very small place for a
former ruler of Marvar.
193 Ibid.
194 The chronology of Rav Candrascn's years ouisidc Marvar is complex. See Appendix B. "Chronology Problems."
1<b NRK, 2:186. Phulaj village is thirty miles southeast of Sojhat. According to NainsT, the village in the mid-
seventeenth century was settled only by Mcrs. Vigat. 1:470. Sec Map Two also.
196 AB. p. 80 and Vigat , 1:70 (Mudaro); JRKK, p. 110 (Madar), RRK, 1:110 (Mandar).
197 Vigat. 1:70.
198 Maharana Rajsimh , ed. by Hukam Sinih BhatI, 2 vols. (Udaypur: Himamsu Pablikesans, 1995), vol. 2, Pargana
BahT, p. 6.

Plalc II. STvSnoFdrl, tokm l>j I he. Mughal* in M»rch-April, 1576.
The (aOodlvYL' «l Rav CarnirasLn
The "Fall ofSrvano, March-April, 157ft
While R3v C«irKlr«fcri Wlltf in MiiiJayo. Aktw uwk furl her udion* lo limil llu> Pay's
remaining power in Marvar. By late 1575 lie had received word that the siege of Srvario was
.Going badly. *' Sivauo. as noted above yip. 23-24), was one of the most important lotus in
MarviTr. Tl was ncil hirgi:. hul. it was slvalnrkally sisjnilicsiiil. In Rajpfil. hainls > ii. was a aonsliiril
llir&H 10 cwwm Iraffio from GuprEl ami from wovlcrr K3ja^ih3n moving c>&l ^ind norlh. I'he
surrounding area was impoverished. so any besiegers had to have «ood supply linen. Making the
situation even worse were the small hill foil* around Sivano. all still held l>v the Rathots. Thev
• * t *
psKixl a nonslaril if small III real lo l.lur Mughal army. 4.
AN.
J " Sec Mu\* Otic.

38
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
The two Mughal officers in charge of the siege, Raja Raysingh of BTkaner and Shah Qui!
Mahram, 201 mismanaged the situation. The horses weakened due to lack of forage and barley.
The soldiers were demoralized by the lack of progress. 202 Meanwhile, Raja Raysiiigh's advisor,
Mumhato Karamcand, was secretly aiding the contingent holding out within the fort, supplying
them with everything they needed. He was in constant contact with another Mumhato, Pato
Urjanot, who was one of the leaders inside. Karamcand also managed to maneuver Raysingh
into first abandoning his supervision of siege operations and then afterward proceeding to Ajmer
to meet with Akbar. 203
Once in Ajmer, Raysingh petitioned Akbar for reinforcements. Akbar, annoyed, told
Raysingh that he already had given him quite enough. 204 Finally he agreed to supply more and
sent Raysingh back to Slvano. Shortly thereafter he recalled him and dispatched Shahbaz
Khan, 205 a Mughal officer highly skilled in siege operations, to take over the siege. 206 Shahbaz
Khan collected his men and equipment. Then he departed first for Sojhat Pargano, where the
local Rathor ruler, Rav Kalo Ramot, had recently aided Rathor Devldas Jaitavat in the killing of
a Mughal officer. The Khan fought a brief but intense battle with the Rathors near Dighor
(Deokur in the Akbar Nama ) on January 9, 1576, in which an important Rajput in Rav Kalo's
service, Rathor Mahes Kumpavat, was killed (for these events, see below, p. 51-53). Afterward
Shahbaz Khan and his contingent moved on toward Slvano. 207
201 Shah Quh Mahram-i Baharlii, a Mughal commander of 3,500. He received his nickname "Mahram" (one who is
admitted to the harem) because he had been allowed to enter Akbar's harem, after which he was castrated. AA,
1:387-389, no. 45.
202 AN, 3:237.
202 DV, pp. 31-32.
m Ibid, p. 31.
2fb Shahbaz Khan-I Kambu was appointed MTr BakhshT by Akbar in his sixteenth regnal year. Shahbaz Khan was to
prove himself a particularly adept commander in the campaigns against Dighor (Fori Daigur in AA. 1:437). Dunaro,
and Slvano in 1576, and especially Kumbhalmer, Mevar, in 1578. But he was arrogant and a rigid SunnT Muslim
according to Blochmann, two attributes which retarded his advancement. Sec AA. 1:436-440, no. 80.
200 Chronicles from Marvar indicatre that Raja Raysingh accompanied Shahbaz Khan to Slvano, but the Dalpat
Vilas , a near-contemporary source from BTkaner, states that Emperor Akbar summoned Raysingh to his side at this
time. AB, p. 81;DV, p. 32; JRKK, p. 110, RRK, 1:109-1 10; Vigat, 2:219.
207 AN, 3:238.

39
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
On the way to Sivano lies Dunaro, the head village of the tapho (sub-district) with the
same name. 208 Dunaro contained a small stone fort held by the Rathors. Shahbaz Khan had to
take this fort before proceeding to Sivano. While he was preparing a siege, a local Rathor leader,
Daso Patalot, 209 carried out a night attack in which several Mughals were killed. The attack
halted the progress of the Mughals. For a short time the Lunl River became the boundary
between them and the opposing Rathors. But then Shahbaz resumed the siege, had sabats
(covered ways) constructed, and soon afterward took the fort. A jauhar occurred; many Rajputs
died. The Mughals captured Balavat Rathor JaitsI Nagavat, the brother of Pato Nagavat, the
master of Dunaro and the chief Rathor officers inside the fort at Sivano. 210
Shahbaz Khan and his men advanced to Sivano, where they managed to conquer in about
a month (between March 18 and April 26, 1576) the fort that had held out against Raja Raysiiigh
for more than two years. 211 The siege ended shortly after someone shot and killed Mumhato Pato
Urjanot as he attempted to carry out the repair of a tower. 212 Rav Candrasen's officers, Uhar
Rathor Jaimal Netsiyot, 213 Balavat Rathor Pato Nagavat, Jaitavat Rathor Vairsal Prithirajot, 214
and unnamed others made a pact with the Mughals and left through the "door of dharma." They
went to Rav Candrasen in Mudaro. A Mughal outpost remained at Sivano for awhile, but then,
as there was little to eat or drink in the land, the Mughals left it unattended and went away. In
208 Dunaro is thirty-two miles southwest of Jodhpur.
209 Daso Patalot was a Jailmalol Rathor. UCRK, 1:108. For the Jailmalol Rathors. see MRMR, 2:247-253.
210 AN, 3:238. Of the Rajasthani sources, only AB, p. 81 mentions Shahbaz Khan, the battle with the Rathors, and
the subsequent jauhar. The date given, 1570-71. is wrong, and Dunaro itself is not mentioned. However, this
source does note that JaitsI Nagavat was captured by Shahbaz Khan. If so, this could have happened only in 1576.
See above, p. 26, n. 130 (for Pato Nagavat) and UCRK, 1:408 (for JaitsT Nagavat).
211 The Mughal force took Sivano while Akbar was in Ajmer between March 18 and April 26, 1576. AN, 3:233,
238. Akbar left Ajmer "when the affairs of this province had been completed," i.e., when the siege was over. See
also MT, 2:189; TA, 2:455.
212 AB, p. 81; Vigat, 1:70,2:219.
21j Uhar Rathor Jaimal Netsiyot was the master of Kodhno village, the headquarters of Kodhno Tapho (subdistrict)
of Jodhpur Pargano. Kodhno village is twenty-eight miles west-southwest of Jodhpur. UCRK, 1:24.
214 UCRK, 1:250-252.

40
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
late 1579, Rav Candrasen was able to retake Slvano. 215 For three years (1576-79) though, he had
no power or influence in southern Marvar.
From Mudaro to SIrohl, April, 1576 to February, 1577
The Turks and Rav [i.e., Raja] RaysiiighjT got the news:
"Candrasen's vast is alone in the STrohT land." So they formed an
army and went [there]. Previously the news was received [in
SIrohl], because of which the royal family ( rajlok ), etc. rode into
the mountains. And Rathor Pato Nagavat [and] Rathor Bhanldas
Devldasot Campavat were prepared to die [fighting the advancing
army]. Then Purbal [and] Jombal, Rav Malde's rams, said: "If
you die, the BhTls will capture us." JRKK, p. 110.
In March, 1576, just before the Rathors in the Slvano Fort capitulated to Shahbaz Khan-i
Kambfi, Akbar ordered an invasion of Mevar. On June 18, 1576, the Mughals and Rano Pratap's
army met in battle at Hald! GhatI in Mevar. One of the few open-field encounters between
Rajputs and Mughals, it was an inconclusive but exceptionally bloody one. 216 Akbar was
intensifying his pressure on the Rajput kingdoms, and the Rajput rulers were finding their
circumstances increasingly difficult. Late in April or early in May, 1576, after Slvano fell, Rav
Candrasen, still in Mudaro, had decided to move his family and vasi out of Mevar to the
comparative safety of SIrohl, where he had married Devri Ahankardev, the daughter of Rav
Mansingh Dudavat (d. ca. 1575) on June 22, 1568. 217 The SIrohl kingdom, founded about
1425, 218 was known for its production of fine swords, daggers, and other military equipment. Its
climate was cooler and rainier than that of Marvar. With many jungle-covered hills and ravines,
the kingdom presented a considerable challenge to invaders. The dominant Rajputs of STrohT, the
215 AB, p. 81; DV, p. 32; JRKK, p. 110;RRK, p. 109; Vigat, 1:68, 70, 2:219.
216 Srivaslava, Akbar the Great, pp. 206-213.
217 JRKK, p. 110; MRMR, 2:39, RRK, 1:110.
218 Muhanot NainsI, Muhanot Nainsl kl Khyat , ed. and transl. by Manoharsimh Ranavat (Sitamau: Natnagar Sodh-
Sainsthan, 1987), 1:140, n. 1.

41
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Devro Cahuvans, were fierce, ruthless opponents in combat and experts in carrying out
ambushes, as the Mughals were soon to learn. 219
Three sources state that Rav Candrasen spent one and one-half years in STrohT, 220 but it
appears much more likely that he only left his family and vasT there and went back to Mudaro for
awhile in 1577 before moving on to Dungarpur. 221 His half-sister, PohpamvatT BaT, was married
to the ruler of Dungarpur, Raval Askaran Prathlrajot (1549-80); 222 she provided a connection that
the Rav used to his subsequent advantage. 223
Rav Candrasen was to discover that Slrohl did not offer a particularly safe refuge from
the Imperial forces. Akbar, arriving in Ajmer between September 26 and September 29, 1576,
ordered an army to proceed to Jalor and Slrohl. First, they were to hold talks with Taj Khan
Ja]ori, the rebellious ruler of Ja]or, and encourage him to obey "the rules of servitude," in Abu-1-
Fazl's wording. 224 Then they were to proceed to STrohT and reduce its ruler, Devro Cahuvan Rav
Surtan Bhanot (ca. 1575-1610) to obedience as well. Tarson Khan, Raja Raysingh of BTkaner,
and Saiyid Hashim of Barha were appointed to lead the expedition. The first part of the military
operation went very well, and the army advanced to STrohT. 223 When they reached the town of
STrohT, Rav Surtan took refuge in the fort. As at STvano previously, Raja Raysingh was unable to
conclude the siege quickly. While it ground on, the Raja sent for his family from BTkaner.
When their caravan arrived from BTkaner, Rav Surtan and his retainers attacked it. Many
Rajputs were escorting this convoy; they fought back hard and drove off Rav Surtan's men with
heavy casualties on both sides. Rav Surtan shortly afterward abandoned the fort and fled to
Abugarh, a fort on Mt. Abu, pursued by Raja Raysingh. The Mughal contingent took this fort
210 For a description of Sirohi, see Archibald Adams, The Western Kajputana States: A Medico-Topographical
and General Account of Marwar, Sirohi, Jaisalmir (Gurgaon: Vintage Books, 1990 [1899]), pp. 13-20.
220 JRKK, p. 110; Murardan. p. 599; RRK, 1:110.
221 See Appendix B, "Chronology Problems."
222 MRMR, 2:28
223 JRKK, p. 110; RRK. 1:110. See also p. 45 below.
224 AN, 3:266.
225 Ibid., 3:266-267, 278-279.

42
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
with little difficulty. Akbar received a report from Raja Raysingh on March 1 or 2, 1577,
announcing the conquest of STrohT and the capture of Abugarh. 226
Just previously, while in pursuit of Rav Surtan, Raja Raysingh found out that Rav
Candrasen's vasi and family ( rajlok ) were in STrohT. Rav Candrasen himself was not, and so
Raja Raysingh and the Mughals decided to go after the Rav's family and dependents. The royal
family received word of the advancing Mughal contingent and fled to the mountains. Some of
the Rathors wanted to stay and fight the Mughals, but two of Rav Malde's widows, who were
under Rav Candrasen's protection, complained that they would be seized by BhTl tribesmen if
they lost their Rajput guardians. So these Rajputs went with them into the mountains while Rav
Candrasen's vasi, left behind, was looted by Mughal soldiers. Shortly afterward, probably in late
February or early March, 1577, the royal family went to Dungarpur to join Rav Candrasen. 227
Pokaran Mortgaged to Jaisalmer: February 16,1977
220 Ibid., 3:278-279.
227 JRKK, p. 110; RRK, 1:110.

4S
Tlic (aOodlvYL' «l Rav CarnirusLn
PlaivTII, Pokjiran Fori,
IJuring ihe lime lh>i( Rav Onulrascn'v family <nnl v/Fyf were in Snolu. llio Uh3l? Rajpul
ruler <if PliahnUn, ftliahlmrsT Tlairajol, son ol Raviil TTarrdj Vlaldevol yniler ol* .Taisahner. I fi(S I -
//}: rculi/cd lh«| RavCflndwcn was incapable of imposing his uulhi>riiy in wcvicrn Marviir.
BhaklwrsJ decided to attack l'okarau. ait important town situated about eighty three miles
northwest ol" Jodhpur arul skly-iluee miles clue east ol' Jaisajmet. Pokaran eomaiiied a large,
well-shacked lavl si ill maimed by I orly o\ Rav Carulrasei/s loyal retainers. Tl was Tiix sole
remaining ou(p»?| in McirvSy after he lo*l SrvfnjO. KhclkharvT ihoughl he would late- il fairly
easily. In July August of 1576 he advanced against l'oknran with sacral hundred men.* 1 ' For
iv\s> m omits lie si rove misuecess I'ully 10 concjuer ihe J'ori. but iL was well-supplied and die
dc landers fonyhl. wiih iknorrmiidhaii. T5li:1l<liaisT ijirmxl hack. TTo soul won! lo his falhix, Raval
HarrSj, saying thu he did not huvo enough supplies lo lukc the fori himself, but il' the Kaviil
would rake the fore, ic would be u blow to Rav Candraseu. And so Raval Hairaj ser out from
Vigof, l/iKi

44
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Jaisalmer in October-November, 1576, with 2,000 men, intent upon attacking Pokaran. 229 It may
be that the Mughal Emperor, Akbar, had encouraged Ravaj Harraj and his son BhakharsT to carry
out their attacks. Both the Ravaj and BhakharsT were Imperial military servants; BhakharsT held
PhajodhT as his jagTr from the Emperor. No doubt Akbar was eager to rid western Rajasthan of
all traces of Rav Candrasen's power.
Raval Harraj sent foot soldiers ahead to join another of his sons, BhTm, who was in
Pokaran already. Upon arriving in Pokaran himself, the Raval began siege operations. He and
his men attempted to camp near the fort, but they were driven off by a steady barrage of gunfire
from the defenders, led by PancolT Anand. Finally they encamped about two miles from the
town at the Narasar Tank. After carrying out ten to twenty fruitless sorties in four months, they
held talks with the defenders. Meanwhile, the pradhans 230 of the BhatTs appealed to Rav
Candrasen in Mudaro. They explained that since he had lost Marvar, the Mughals eventually
would take Pokaran for themselves. It would be better if the Rav mortgaged the fort to the
BhatTs, to whom he was related by marriage. They would retain it and return it to him when he
regained Jodhpur and paid them back the money he owed. The Rav pondered their proposal. He
was in a difficult period; he decided he needed money more than a distant fort. He accepted the
BhatT offer of 100,000 phadiyos for Pokaran. After receiving some of the money from the BhatT
pradhans , he sent his agent, the ManglTyo Rajput Bhoju, 231 to Raval Harraj in Jaisalmer with
instructions to hand over the fort. Upon Bhoju's arrival, the Ravaj gave him 37,000 phadiyos,
out of which Bhoj kept 5,000 and gave 20,000 to the Rav's men defending the fort. Then he sent
the remaining 12,000 phadiyos to Rav Candrasen. 232 After disposing of the grain, ghee,
gunpowder, lead, etc. that was inside, Bhoju turned the fort over to Ravaj Harraj on February 16,
1577. Then he went back to Rav Candrasen in Mudaro. Soon afterward the Rav went to
Dungarpur. 233
220 Ibid.
230 Pradhan: Literally, "foremost,"' "chief,"' "principal," "most eminent."' A chief minister, commander-in-chief, a
general or leader of the army. Among Rajputs, the post of pradhan was held predominately by Rajputs themselves,
either of the same clan or of a different clan than the ruler of a local state.
231 Bhoju is also called Bhoj, Bhojo, and Bhojraj in the various Rajasthan! sources. Possibly the first three names are
nicknames for Bhojraj. The Mangliyo Rajputs are a branch of the Gahlot Rajput clan (vams).
232 JRKK. p. 109; RRK, 1:109. Mangliyo Bhoju's companion in the negotiations, BhandarT Mano, used some of the
money he received to have a meal with dancing girls ( nacnls ) in Jaisalmer. Vigat , 2:297.
233 Ibid ., 1:67. 2:297. See also Appendix B, "Chronology Problems."

45
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Dungarpur and Varnsvajo, 1577 to July 19,1579
There are 3,500 villages in Vagar, of which half are under the
authority of Dungarpur and half under Varnsvajo. NRK, 1:70.
Today [mid-17"' century] the kingdom of Varnsvajo is somewhat
more productive than [that] of Dungarpur.... The Rajputs of
Marvar are given very great patos and are always retained in the
royal household[s] of Vagar. The Rathors have performed many
great deeds there. These Rathors have great renown there. NRK,
1:88.
Vagar, the ancient home of the Aharo branch of the Gahlot Rajput clan ( varns ), was
divided into the two kingdoms of Dungarpur and Varnsvajo when Rav Candrasen went there in
1577. Both kingdoms had been generous to Rathors from Marvar, particularly in the years
following the disastrous invasion by Sher Shah Sur in 1544. In early 1577, when Rav Candrasen
was still in Mudaro, RavaJ Askaran of Dungarpur (1549-80) had sent him letters begging him for
help against his son, Sahasmal Askaranot. Sahasmal had paid Rano Pratap 4,000 mahmudis 2 34 in
exchange for some retainers to remove RavaJ Askaran from Dungarpur and seat himself on the
throne. Perhaps it was Raval Askaran's recent marriage alliance with Akbar that had driven
Sahasmal to appeal to Rano Pratap. 235 Fearing the impeding struggle with Sahasmal, RavaJ
Askaran's wife, Rav Candrasen's half-sister, Rani PohpavatI, 236 also had sent a message to Rav
Candrasen asking him to dispatch some good men in order to take her away to a place where "the
burden was tolerable." So Rav Candrasen sent Pancoll Surtan ahead, the he himself rode to the
town of Dungarpur, where he found the fort abandoned. RavaJ Askaran had gone away after
moving his vasT outside the town. Rav Candrasen was able to take possession of the fort with no
difficulty. 237
Sahasmal, dispatched from Cavand by Rano Pratap, arrived in Dungarpur just after Rav
Candrasen. He and the men of the Rano's contingent were surprised to find the fort occupied.
234 Mahmudi: a type of silver coin (Arabic mahmudT).
233 AN, 3:278.
230 JRKK, p. 110-111, and RRK, p. 110-111 call her both ParvatTbaT and PohpavatTbaT, but PohpavatTbaT is correct.
237 JRKK, p. 110-111; RRK, 1:110-111.

46
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
They had been told Raval Askaran had fled. So who were those men inside striking drums?
They received information that it was Rav Candrasen and his retainers. They sent word to the
Rav informing him that Rava] Askaran had departed and that they had the Rano's orders to seat
Sahasmal on the throne of Dungarpur. Rav Candrasen ignored their appeal. They mentioned the
money Sahasmal had paid the Rano for their services. The Rav was unmoved. Meanwhile
Raval Askaran found out about the situation. He confessed that he thought the Rav would never
come, and so he had abandoned Dungarpur, unwilling to face Rano Pratap's anger. Finally the
Rano's retainers sent word back to him that Rav Candrasen, not Rava] Askaran, was in
Dungarpur, and was refusing to leave. The Rano replied that if this were true, they should turn
back. And so Raval Askaran and PohpavatI were able to return to Dungarpur. 238 Rav
Candrasen's reputation was enhanced by his stubbornness in this affair, and he received
Galiyakot, a large village twenty-five miles southeast of Dungarpur, for his maintenance. 239
Shortly afterward the Mughals advanced against the Rano. He lost Cavand. The
Mughals continued to press their attack. Rav Candrasen was forced to leave Dungarpur in April-
May of 1578. 240 His presence there no doubt had become a liability for his host, Rava] Askaran,
who was in the service of Akbar. The Rav went to Vamsva]o, where the local ruler, Rava]
Pratap (ca. 1550-79), granted him several villages in which to keep his horses and a larger
village, Kotro, six miles east-southeast of Vamsvalo town, for himself and his dependents. Rano
Pratap joined him there briefly, and Rav Candrasen provided a feast for him and his men.
Perhaps they shared a good laugh over Sahasmal and his lost 4,000 mahmudls. 241
Rav Candrasen was to remain in Kotro for the next thirteen or fourteen months. Then he
received some surprising news. The leading Rathor thakurs of Sojhat wanted him to come there
238 Ibid.
239 Vigat , 1:72.
2411 JRKK, p. Ill; RRK, 1:111; Somani. History of Mewar, p. 237. See also Appendix B. "Chronological
Problems."
241 Of the relevant RajasthanT sources, only the Jodhpur Rdjya kl Khydt and its near duplicate, the Rathauram rT
Khyat, have any information about Rav Candrasen's defense of Dungarpur Fort. Evidently this is why the modern
historians of Rav Candrasen's reign usually ignore it completely. Although the information provided about this
episode is somewhat garbled, I see no reason to omit any reference to it.

47
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
and assume the rulership of this pargano. 242 What had happened there since the Mughals drove
the Rav out of Marvar in 1574-75?
IV. From SIvrar to Saclay rl Gal, July 19,1579 to January 11,1581
Sojhat Affairs, Early January, 1575 to January 9,1576
The short account of this is as follows: When they were in pursuit
of Candar Sen, that fabricator [Devldas] represented that the ruined
wanderer (Candar Sen) was in the fief of Kala the son of Ram Rai,
his (Candar's) own brother's son, and that his face was turned
toward the wall of contempt (i.e., was in a wretched condition).
The victorious army hastened to the spot. Kala from ill-fatedness
maintained that Candar Sen was not there; and by fraud and
deception won over Shimal Khan 243 to his side and set about
ruining Debl Das. AN, 3:225
One will recall that the Mughals had attacked Rav Candrasen in Kanujo in late
December, 1574 or early January, 1575. 244 Shortly afterward Devldas Jaitavat, who recently had
made a pact with the Mughals and retained his hold on Vagri village, revealed to them that Rav
Candrasen had fled into Rav Kalo Ramot's territory in Sojhat. 245 His revelation probably made
little difference to Candrasen, who managed to escape anyway, but it would have alienated Rav
Kalo, who had to answer to the Mughals. Rav Kalo was still a very young man, only eighteen. 246
He was heavily under the influence of his advisors, Mahes and Prithlraj Kumpavat. 247 Devldas
Jaitavat was a seasoned warrior, close to fifty years old, in command of 500 men. He evidently
had decided to assert his own dominance in Sojhat Pargano at the expense of Rav Kalo and the
Kumpavat family. He also had to worry about his son, Askaran, from whom he had taken Vagri.
242 AB, p. 84; JRKK, p. lll;MRK,p. 53;RRK, 1:111; VigaL 1:73.
243 Shimal Khan Chela, a aurchl or armor-bearer of the Emperor. AA. 1:491 (no. 154). 531.
244 See above, pp. 32-35.
245 AN, 3:225.
240 Rav Kalo Ramot was born on November, 10, 1556. Murardan, p. 593.
247 MRMR, 2:308-312.

48
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Askaran, although only sixteen, was one of Rav Kalo's backers and a force to be reckoned with
in Sojhat.
One will recall as well that Rav Kalo himself had gotten involved with a woman of
Akbar's harem. He came back to Sojhat, then he fled to Slriyarl (Sirbari in the Akbar Nama).
From there he went to the fort of DTghor (Deokur in the Akbar Nama ) in the hills two miles
southeast of Slriyarl. 248 Later he returned to Sojhat, but his position had deteriorated with the
arrival of Devldas. Rav Kalo had no way of knowing if Akbar had found out about him, but he
clearly was worried. He probably knew that a Mughal force was about to be dispatched against
Rav Candrasen. He may have believed they would come after him as well. Thus he may not
have been in Sojhat in late 1574when the VTko Rathor, Ramsingh Kalyanmalot, advanced from
there against Rav Candrasen in Kanujo. 249
Several months went by. Then, in March-April, 1575, the Mughal armies came upon Rav
Kalo. He and many of the people of Sojhat Pargano fled into the hills. Devldas also fled. After
receiving Vagrl from the Mughals, he soon began to carry out intense attacks on the Mughal
outposts. He and Rav Kalo spent the next five or six months in the hills. Then Devldas met with
the Mughals once again, made another pact, came back, and resettled in Vagrl. 250 At this time,
around September, 1575, Rav Kalo began conspiring with Shimal Khan, the local Mughal
commander, in revenge for Devldas's previous tip to the Mughals about Rav Candrasen. Only
the Akbar Nama mentions this conspiracy. 2 " No RajasthanT chronicles do, but why would they?
This was a secret plot.
And so it was, sometime in September, 1575, that Devldas went to UkhalTyo village 252 in
Jaitaran Pargano to meet with Shimal Khan. With him were 500 retainers. He made camp in
248 AB, p. 82, indicates that at the time Rav Kalo fled, Devldas returned to Sojhat. But ATV, p. 72, and UCRK,
1:266, note that Devldas returned during the month of Kartik (October-November.). From other evidence, this must
have been Kartik , V.S. !631 or October, 1574. See Appendix B, "Chronological Problems."
249 See above, pp. 34-35.
25(1 ATV, p. 72; UCRK, 1:266.
251 AN, 3:225
2:12 UkhalTyo village is seventeen miles south of Jaitaran, seventeen miles east-northeast of Sojhat, and fifteen miles
northeast of VagrT (see Map Two). It was a small village, probably selected as a neutral site with relative security
for both parties. See Vigat , 1:529-530 for a description. Three sources, AB, 82-83, ATV, 72, and UCRK, 1:266,
say that the meeting took places in UkhalTyo; UCRK, 1:334 says it took place in SandTyo village, which is the scene
of a later action (see below, p. 49).

49
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Ukhallyo, and his retainers began to separate to attend to various tasks. Meanwhile, he kept
receiving messages summoning him to the tent of Shimal Khan. The Mughals had noticed his
contingent had split up. Although encouraged not to go, he went to meet Shimal Khan with just
a few men. Shimal Khan allowed only Devldas and Kumpavat Rathor Sekho Udaisinghot to
enter his tent. When they did, the Mughals cut Sekho's head off with a sword blow. 253 They
seized Devldas. His retainers, just outside the tent, heard the noise, entered, and killed many of
the Mughals. They freed Devldas, who escaped with them on horseback. They rode back to his
camp, where he gathered his other retainers and fought off the pursuing Mughal soldiers. Then
they all went to Khodiya ri Ga], 2 ' 4 where they spent the night. The Mughals went away. In the
morning Devldas went back to Vagri, collected his vast and men, and reentered the hills. 25 '
Twenty to twenty-five days later, in mid-October, 1575, Devldas carried out a night
attack against Sandlyo village 2 ' 6 in revenge for Sekho's death. He killed many Mughals and
looted their camps. But Jalal Khan QurchI, hiding among some camels, shot an arrow that killed
Akhairajot Rathor Jaisinghde Kanhavat. 257 Later the Mughals had the corpse tied to the foot of
an elephant and crushed. Then they put it in a grave. The next day, Devldas returned, fought
Sekho Udaisinghot was Ihc son of Udaisiiigh Kumpavat, who died ai ihc siege of CTlor in 1568. Udaisiiigh's
father was Kumpo Mahirajot, who was killed fighting at Samel in 1544. UCRK, 1:334 has the following
biographical note concerning Sekho: "Sekho Udaisinghot. Devldas Jaitavat put down the garb of a JogI, came
again [to Marvar], and caused devastation during the period of Turkish rule. There, in SandTyo [i.e., Ukhallyo
villagc|, the Turks deceived DcvTdasjT. They put [ their) hands |on him|. DcvTdasjT went away and Sekho was killed
there."
2:4 Khoriyo or Khodlyo village is twenty-one miles east-southeast of Sojhat, but the location of Khodiyo ri Gal is
uncertain. A gal is a narrow pass or path between two mountains. The village was inhabited only by Mers in the
mid-seventeenth century. Vigat, 1:466.
255 AB. pp. 82-83; AN, 3:225; ATV, pp. 72-73; UCRK, 1:266-267.
216 Sandlyo village is eleven miles southwest of Sojhat. In the mid-seventeenth century it was a mid-sized village
inhabited by Slrvls, Rajputs, Jats, and Brahmans. Vigat , 1:429.
257 Jaisinghde Kanhavat was DevTdas Jaitavat's first cousin, the son of his father Jaito Paneainof s brother, Kanho
Pancainot. UCRK. 1:285 has the following information about Jaisinghde: "Jaisinghde Kanhavat. DcTdasjT removed
[his] Jogl's garb and came again [to Marvar]. Afterward, during the period of Turkish rule, [the Rathors] carried out
a night attack against Jalal KorcT in SandTyo village. [Jaisinghde] died fighting there. Afterward DeTdasjT on the
next day again mounted up, went, fought a battle, had [Jaisinghde] removed, and brought [him home]. Then
[Jaisiiighde's] wife became a Miff"

50
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
another battle, recovered the corpse, and brought it back with him. 258 Shortly afterward, in the
words of Abu-1-Fazl, "As he [Devidas] had come to despair of the Imperial troops, he craftily
went to Kala and became his companion." 259 Clearly he knew nothing of Rav Kalo's conspiring
with Shimal Khan.
A month later, in mid-November, 1575, 260 the Mughals made a truce with Devidas and
Rav Kalo. But the very next day they came to Vagrl and concealed themselves in the village
gardens. Devidas received word. He put on his armor and readied himself. When the day had
advanced one pohar (three hours), Rav Kalo came to Vagrl and joined him. His sudden arrival
with his contingent startled Devidas, but Rav Kalo assured him that he was prepared to help.
Then the Mughals approached. Kettledrums on both sides were struck. In the ensuing battle,
Devidas and Rav Kalo killed a Mughal Mirza along with sixty of his men. The remainder fled. 261
Jalal Khan QurchI, who had been out hunting and drinking daru near Sandlyo village, received a
report from the fleeing Mughals. Although intoxicated, he mounted his horse and joined the
other Mughals with a handful of his own men. He rode into the middle of Vagrl, where Devidas
and Rav Kalo were waiting. They killed him. In revenge for the desecration of Jaisinghde
Kanhavat's corpse, Devidas impaled Jalal Khan's dead body and then burned it. The Mughals
were forced to negotiate with him to recover the corpse; they agreed to a truce for a year and
departed with the mutilated body of Jalal Khan. 262
Only a few weeks later the truce fell apart completely. Upon being informed of the
disaster in Vagrl, Akbar had appointed Sayyid Ahmad, Sayyid Hashim, and other Sayyids of
Barha to put down the Rathors. 263 They came to eastern Sojhat Pargano and set up military
258 AB, p, 83; ATV, p. 73; UCRK, 1:267, 285.
259 AN, 3:225.
26(1 According lo UCRK, 1:316 ihc dale was November 15. 1575. According lo AN, 3:225 Ihc dale was November
14, 1575 by my reckoning.
261 MerlTyo Ralhor Surian Jaimaloi and Kumpavat Ralhor PrilhTraj Jaiiaval, boih Imperial officers, led Isma'Tl
Qurchi and the others to safety. UCRK, 1:316.
262 AB, p. 83; ATV, p. 73; UCRK, 1:267-268, 316. AN, 3:225 has a much different account of these events, which I
discuss in Appendix A, "Sources."
263 AN, 3:225, 237.

51
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
outposts in Kantallyo and Bhanro villages. 264 Rav Kalo withdrew to Dlghor with all of his
people along with Kumpavat Rathor Mahes Kumpavat, a former Imperial military servant. The
Sayyids attacked constantly, but they had little success. Finally, on January 9, 1576, Shahbaz
Khan, sent by Akbar to put an end to the situation, fought a battle with the Rathors in or near
Dlghor. The Mughals killed Mahes Kumpavat together with many of his companions while Rav
Kalo and other Rathors fled. He abandoned his giidho and the Mughal soldiers looted it.
Devldas Jaitavat, who had been with Rav Kalo, had not done anything while the soldiers were
looting the gudho, and so from that day onward he was disparaged. 265 Shortly afterward
Mahes's son Sadu] Mahesot and Rav Kalo killed Devldas with a blow from behind as he was
bent over mending a coverlet during a stay in STriyari village. One source indicates it was
Askaran, Devldas's own son, who helped Rav Kalo murder Devldas. 266 In any event, Askaran,
only sixteen or seventeen years old, was able to regain possession of Vagri. 267
Sojhat Affairs, January 9,1576 to July 19,1579
Now here [in Sojhat] there was no master in the land. Then in
those days the great Rajputs in the land [of Sojhat] were Sadul
Mahesot [and] Askaran Deldasot. These thakurs wrote to Rav
Candrasen: "The land [of] Sojhat is empty; we are your Rajputs."
Then [Rav Candrasen] came from Vamsvajo-Durigarpur to the
vicinity of Sojhat. AB, p. 84
In 1577 Akbar gave Sojhat Pargano to a Mertlyo Rathor, Surtan Jaimalot. 268 Surtan's
people came and settled in the town of Sojhat. 269 Either Akbar had no knowledge of the
264 AB, p. 83. Kantaliyo is fourteen miles southeast of Sojhat. In the mid-seventeenth century it was a large village
belonging to the Kumpavat Rathors ( Vigat , 1:430). I have been unable to locate Bhanro. See also Map Two.
265 AB, p. 83; UCRK, 1:316-317.
266 UCRK. 1:268 indicates that Rav Kalo and Askaran DcvTdasol killed Dcvidas. but this same source (1:269) also
says that Rav Kalo and Sadul Mahesot killed him. Sadul's motive for assisting in this murder would have been
Devldas's inaction when SadOl's father was killed; Askaran's would have been revenge for his father previously
removing him from VagrT.
267 Ibid.
268 For a biography of Surtan Jaimalot, see MRMR, 2:353-355.

52
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
animosity between the Mertlyos and the leading Rathor families of Sojhat, or he wished to
punish these families for their continuing resistance. Surtan's grandfather, VTramde Dudavat,
had led Sher Shah into Marvar to confront Rav Malde of Jodhpur at the battle of Samel on
January 5, 1544. The founders of the Jaitavat and Kumpavat Rathor lineages, Jaito Pancainot
and Kumpo Mahirajot, had been killed in that battle along with thousands of their companions.
Then, in March of 1562, VTramde's son, Jaimal VTramdevot, had brought Mughal troops to
Merto. Many more Rathors from Sojhat died fighting at that time. Considering this dismal
background, it is not surprising that Surtan's appointment lasted only one year.
Subsequently Rav Kalo made a pact with the Mughals. 270 Meanwhile Akbar appointed
Shaykh Ibrahim FathpurT 271 to command the military outpost at Nadol. It appears that Akbar,
who by now knew all the details of Rav Kalo's escapade in his harem in 1574, used the pact
merely to induce him to proceed to Nadol with assurances from Shaykh Ibrahim. 272 Upon Rav
Kalo's arrival, the Mughals killed him and several of his retainers. His death occurred sometime
in January or February, 1578. Afterward Akbar made Sojhat into Imperial territory ( khalso ) and
kept the Sayyids there in command of the military outpost. At this point Kumpavat Rathor Sadu]
Mahesot became the leader of local resistance in Sojhat. Described as a man with an
exceptionally fine body, a "great thakur ," Sadu] fought several intense skirmishes with Mughal
troops. They were unable to subdue him. 273 But he, Askaran Devldasot, and other leading
Rajputs of Sojhat were afraid of losing their lands, and so they wrote to Rav Candrasen for
help. 274 Thus it was that Rav Candrasen returned to Sojhat in July, 1579.
From the Battle of SIvrar, July 19,1579
To
269 Vigat , 1:389. The text has MertZyam ri vasl [ra lok] sare gamv aya tha , literally "[The people of] the vasi of the
Mertlyos came into the entire village [of Sojhat]." It is possible, but unlikely, that the intent was to indicate that
these people settled in all the villages of Sojhat Pargano.
270 AB, p. 84.
271 AA, 1:441, no. 82. Ladla'I in this text and Ladlai in AN, 3:309 are to to be identified as Nadol.
272 Akbar's attempts lo persuade Rav Kalo to come to his own darbar had failed according lo JRKK, p. 103 and
RRK. 1:103.
273 UCRK, 1:317.
274 AB, p. 84; JRKK, p. 111, MRK, p. 53, RRK, 1:111, Vigat , 1:72.

53
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
The Death of Rav Candrasen, January 11, 1981
Upon approaching Sojhat, Rav Candrasen decided that the Mughals' hold over the
pargano was weak. He himself had about five or six hundred men with him; if they combined
with the forces of Askaran Devldasot and Sadul Mahesot, he thought they should be able to drive
the Mughals out. A Devro Cahuvan, Vijo Harrajot, 275 was coming from Slrohl to aid him as
well. The Rav soon arrived in Slvrar village 276 along with Vijo. The Sayyids in the town of
Sojhat received word. They decided to attack early the next morning, before all the Rathors
assembled. Rav Candrasen received no prior information about their plans. In the morning of
July 19, 1579, 277 caught completely unaware when ambushed near one of the village's Persian
wheels, he and Devro Vijo fled and left an Uhar Rathor, Jaimal Netslyot, 278 to confront their
attackers. 279 Twenty men died fighting; eighty were wounded. 280
Rav Candrasen had lost the battle, but he was able to retreat to Harlyamall village, 281
where Rathors Askaran Devldasot and Sadul Mahesot came and joined him. As an incentive, he
gave Sadul two horses and twelve thousand rupees; Askaran received an elephant and twelve
thousand rupees. Joined together, they drove the Mughal forces from the town of Sojhat. The
Sayyids had left just previously. Rav Candrasen was able to hold Sojhat for over one year, until
November, 1580. During this period he patched up his relationship with the Udavat Rathors of
neighboring Jaitaran Pargano. 282 Then, tired of the local disturbances the Rav was causing near
Ajmer and wary of his growing power, Akbar dispatched several Mughal commanders against
275 Devro Cahuvan Vijo Harrajot was the son of Harraj Rudavat and a member of the Dungarot branch of the Devro
Cahuvans. NRK, 1:163.
276 Slvrar is nine miles southeast of Sojhat.
277 See Appendix B, "Chronology Problems."'
278 For a short biography of Uhar Rathor Jaimal Netslyot. sec Appendix C, "The Baltic of Slvrar. July 19. 1579."
270 This account of the battle of Slvrar is based upon AB, p. 84.
280 MRK, p. 53; JRKK, p. Ill; RRK, 1:112. For a list of men killed at Slvrar and some biographical information,
see Appendix C, "The Battle of STvrar, July 19, 1579."
281 Harlyamall village is six miles east of Slvrar and thirteen miles east-southeast of Sojhat. Vigat , 1:403, 411.
282 AB. pp. 85, 88. According to this source (p. 88), the Udavats "behaved well" and "performed many services" for
Rav Candrasen in exchange for the land they held.

54
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
him. A fierce battle took place. According to Abu-1-Fazl, the Rav suffered "thousands of
losses" and retreated "into the desert of failure." 283 No RajasthanT source mentions this particular
battle, but one, the Rav Candrasen rl Bat (Account of Rav Candrasen), says that after Rav
Candrasen took Sojhat back, "the Imperial armies came again" when he had been there a year
(i.e., in late 1580). 284 Perhaps the results of the battle were too depressing for the anonymous
author to record.
The Rav withdrew to the pass (gal) of Saclay village 285 and stayed there. Subsequently
Kumpavat Rathor Vairsal Udaisinghot, 286 who had been holding Dudhvar village 287 of Sojhat on
a contract 288 during the period of Mughal rule, invited the Rav to his home for a meal. Vairsal
had earlier refused to come and meet with Rav Candrasen. He was afraid of what might happen.
The Rav had then attempted to attack Vairsal, but Vairsal's brother Rathors refused to advance
against him. Finally Askaran Devldasot volunteered to go into Dudhvar and bring Vairsal back
with him. Once in the Rav's presence, Vairsal confessed he did not trust him. It was then that
he offered Rav Candrasen an invitation to join him for a meal at his home. If he did, Vairsal
said, his soul would be reassured. The Rav accepted; Vairsal provided a feast for him. But after
the Rav ate and returned to his people, he quickly died. Poison was suspected by some, but
Vairsal himself had no real motive to kill Rav Candrasen, who died on January 11, 1581. He
was cremated near the banyan tree of the temple of Mahakal in Saran village. 289
Anadagiya turf ujale asamara,
283 AN, 3:466.
284 AB. p. 85. Vigat. 2:297 just says ihc Mughals came again. For a discussion of ihc dale, see Appendix B,
"Chronology Problems."'
283 Saclay or STncTyaT village of Sojhai Pargano is fifteen miles southeast of Sojhal, just south of KantalTyo and just
north of Saran. In the mid-seventeenth century it was a small village inhabited by Mers, Baniyas, Kalals (distillers),
Jats (peasants), and Kumbhars (potters). Vigat, 1:469.
286 For a short biography of Vairsal, sec UCRK. 1:327.
287 Dudhvar village is eleven miles south of Sojhat. NainsT describes it as a large village inhabited by STrvTs
(peasants), Jats, and Baniyas. Vigat , 1:426-427.
288 He held it as a mukatf. Mukatv. a person paying the mukato tax; a person realizing such a tax from others.
Mukato was a fixed payment on land (like a rent).
289 AB, p. 85; JRKK, p. 112; MRK, p. 53;RRK, 1:112-113.

55
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Cakara huvana na digiyo cita.
[Candrasen and Pratap permitted] no branding of [their] horses by
the Mughals.
[Their] swords [always remained] unblemished [by servitude].
In [their] minds, they did not acquiesce to becoming [Imperial]
military servants. Durso Adho, quoted by Vyas, Jodhpur Rajya
ka Itihas, p. 210.
Rav Candrasen endured a time of trouble. All the land was lost,
but he did not become the Emperor's military servant. JRKK, p.
115.
V. Aftermath: The Sons of Rav Candrasen
And
The Demise of the Kingdom of Sojhat, 1581-83
Debacle: Askaran and Ugrasen Candrasenot
Rav Candrasen's sudden death begs a question: at that point, how weary of the long,
painful struggle against Mughal authority were his family and fellow Rathors? For sixteen years
after the fall of Jodhpur in 1565 the fight had gone on, and in the end, Rav Candrasen was at one
of his worst moments, hving in a pass in the hills of Eastern Sojhat, likely with little or no
money. He had just suffered another defeat. He had lost all the major forts of Marvar. Many of
his most loyal retainers were dead. His family had complained years earlier in STrohT about
harsh living conditions. What were their feelings in 1581 when they were left in the Mer
territory of Sojhat when he died? Did the local Rathor thakurs of Sojhat tire of his seemingly
hopeless defiance? Part of the answer to these questions lies in the events following his death.
Rav Candrasen had left three sons: Raysingh, age twenty-three, 290 who since 1570 had
been in Mughal service, Ugrasen, twenty-one, who since the same year had been in Bund!, where
he had married Rav Surjan's daughter, 291 and Askaran, the youngest, only ten, who was the son
290 Raysingh Candrasenot was born on September 6, 1557. Murardan , p. 599; UCRK, 2:82.
291 Ugrasen Candrasenot was born August 2, 1559. MRMR, 2:37. For the marriage in Bundl, see AB, p. 87.

56
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
of Rano Pratap's sister, Candabal. 292 Shortly after the Rav's death, 293 the great Rathor thakurs of
Sojhat, led by the Jaitavat Askaran DevTdasot and the Kumpavat Sadul Mahesot, each
commanders of five hundred retainers, met and gave the throne to Askaran. Meanwhile in BundT
Ugrasen received word that Rav Candrasen had died. He left for Marvar with all of his retainers.
On his way to Sojhat, he passed through Merto, where he met with Payanda Khan, 294 who was
the Mughal commander of the military outpost there. During his stay in Merto, Ugrasen
mentioned to his companions that he was thinking about killing the Khan and taking the city. No
doubt they were appalled; they told told him to go straight to Saran village to meet with his half-
brother, Askaran, the newly appointed Rav of Sojhat. 295
Upon his arrival in Saran, Ugrasen met with Rav Askaran. Ten or twelve days passed in
negotiations. Rav Askaran did not like the looks of Ugrasen or his retainers. They appeared
dangerous to him. He thought Ugrasen might try to seize Sojhat for himself. As he put it, "two
swords cannot fit into one sheath." 296 He told his supporters to keep an eye on his half-brother.
He himself would leave and go to Rano Pratap for support. Listening to Rav Askaran, his
supporters realized they had made the right choice. He was the stronger brother, even at such an
early age. 297 Besides, they distrusted Ugrasen because of his meeting in Merto with Payanda
Khan. They worried that he would bring the Mughals back into Sojhat. 298 They offered Ugrasen
only Slvano, reclaimed by Rav Candrasen after the Mughals abandoned it in the late 1570s, as
his share of his father's domain. 299 They told Ugrasen to leave and go there. But during the
292 Askaran Candrasenot was born on June 19, 1570. His mother Candabai married Rav Candrasen in Cuor on April
23, 1560. MRMR, 2:38.
293 BahkTdas indicates Askaran was proclaimed Rav by the leading thakurs of Sojhat between January 11 and
January 15, 1581. BahkTdas, Bankldas ri Khyat, ed. by NarottamdasjT SvamT (Jaypur: Rajasthan Puraltvanvesan
Mandlr, 1956), p. 22, no. 209.
294 His full name was Muhammad Payanda Khan. AA, p. 421. no. 68.
295 AB,p. 87; JRKK, p. II4;RRK, 1:114-115, UCRK, 1:534.
296 AB, p. 87.
297 Ibid., UCRK, 1:534.
298 JRKK, p. 114; RRK, 1:115.
299 AB, p. 87; JRKK, 1:114; RRK, 1:115, and UCRK, 2:82 all indicate that they offered half the land to Ugrasen.
But UCRK 1:534 says that only STvano was offered. However, STvano and Sojhat were the only two areas over

57
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
negotiations, Ugrasen had decided to fight. He made up his mind in the temple of Mahakal,
where he had offered a coconut to the god. The coconut did not produce positive results, but
after he cut off his own finger and applied his blood to the forehead of Mahakaj, he was able to
reach his decision. 300
Ugrasen ate a lot of opium, and then went with his men to the house in Saran village
where Rav Askaran was staying in an upper room. Once in the room, he managed to persuade
most of Rav Askaran's companions to go on an errand for a sweet to give to the young Rav.
Only one man, Rathor Sekho Sankarot, 301 remained to guard Rav Askaran. Ugrasen then brought
out his dagger and began showing it to Dayaldas Candavat, a MertTyo Rathor, 302 who was one of
his closest supporters. Dayaldas took it, looked it over, then gave it back, whereupon Ugrasen
grabbed it with his four remaining fingers and stuck into Rav Askaran's chest clear to his spine.
Ugrasen's own man, Udavat Rathor Vlko Ratanslyot, 303 who knew nothing of Ugrasen's plan,
grabbed him, whereupon Sekho Sankarot took Ugrasen's dagger away and killed him with it.
Then he struck down two of Ugrasen's men. Vlko Ratanslyot and everyone else fled the house.
Sekho remained with Rav Askaran. He shouted out to Ugrasen's retainers: "I've killed the killer
of my master. If your stomach burns [for revenge], come here." No one approached him. Rav
Askaran died about three hours later. When the news reached Askaran Devldasot and other
thakurs who had supported Rav Askaran, they went upon Ugrasen's camp and killed some of his
retainers. The others fled. Rav Askaran was cremated near the temple of Mahakal, but Ugrasen
was dragged away and thrown on the ground. Later the Mers burned his body. This agonizing
series of events took place on March 2, 1581. 304
which Rav Candrasen had any sort of auihorily ai his dcalh, and so ii is likely thai Ihc half offered was in faci
Slvano.
30(1 AB, p. 87; UCRK. 1:534.
" 0I Sekho Sankarot was a Rathor of the KhetsTyot branch. See UCRK, 1:533-535 for some biographical details.
302 MertTyo Rathor Dayaldas Candavat began his career as Ugrasen's retainer, then, after Ugrasen died, he became a
bandit. Moto Raja Udaisitigh Maldevot of Jodhpur (1583-95) at one time ordered that Dayaldas was to be captured
and killed, but he escaped this laic ai the hands of Moto Raja's men only to die from the bite of a lizard. See
UCRK, 2:222-223.
30 ' Udavat Rathor Vlko Ratanslyot entered Moto Raja's service after 1583 and later became an Imperial military
servant. He died fighting in the east on June 23, 1591. See UCRK, 2:300-301.
304 AB, pp. 88-89. See also JRKK, p. 115, MRK, p. 54, RRK, 1:115, and UCRK, 1:534, all of which tell essentially
the same story, with a few varying details. JRKK, p. 115 and RRK, 1:115 add an interesting item: "Rathor

58
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
The Last Rav of Sojhat
Raysingh Candrasenot, 1581-83
One of the occurrences was the death of Jagmal and Rai Singh.
The former was the brother of Rana Pratap, the latter the
grandchild of Maldeo. When the first by the guidance of fortune
brightened his forehead by doing homage, and was exalted by
princely favours, Sirohl and its territory were made over to him in
fief. Sultan Deorah was powerful in that country. An order was
given to Ttimad K. that when he came to that neighbourhood he
should take vigorous measures, and should make over the country
to Jagmal, and if it was necessary, should leave some experienced
fighting men to help him. When he came there he carried out the
orders, and Jagmal entered Sirohl. The presumptuous one (S.
Deorah) retired to the ravines. Rai Singh, Beca, Deorah and men
of Jalor were left to help Jagmal. When the victorious troops
marched to Gujarat, that wayward one renewed his turbulence, and
came upon their quarters by secret paths. Those two men (Jagmal
and Rai Singh) awoke out of the sleep of neglect and preserved
their honour by bravely sacrificing their lives. AN, 3:614.
With the two brothers, Rav Askaran and Ugrasen, killed on the same day, the leading
Rathors of Sojhat had only Rav Candrasen's eldest son, Raysingh, to turn to for the
succession. 303 Raysingh, born on September 6, 1557, had been raised at the Mughal court since
he was thirteen. He had not returned to Marvar after 1570. He probably knew very little about
the local political situation in Sojhat. Nevertheless, the leading men of Sojhat sent Akbar a
Mahravan, Aclo Sivrajot's [son], had descended from the second-story room and gone [to attend to] a task at the
time [Ugrasen] killed Askaranji. When he came back, Rathor Sadul Mahesot said the words, in the form of a joke,
'Where were you?' Mahravan said: '1 was not present.' Saying this, he elimbed above the storehouse, leaped down
on all the many barchls (lances) they had stood upright [there], and died." See also UCRK, 2:181 for a short
biography of the Sivrajot Rathor Mahravan Aclavat. For a discussion of the date of this series of events, see
Appendix B, ''Chronology Problems."
At this juncture the Rano of Mevar, Pratap, intervened, informing the Rathors that they should give Kesodas
Rantol, one of Rav Rant's sons, the throne of Sojhat, but they told him the sueccssion was their business, not his.
JRKK, p. 104; Murardan, pp. 595-596; RRK, 1:103.

59
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
message informing him that Rav Askaran and Ugrasen had died. In their opinion, Raysingh
should return and look after his land. They promised to perform military service for him. The
Emperor agreed to their proposal. He gave Raysingh a horse, a sirpav, the title of Rav, and
Sojhat. Then he gave him leave from the Mughal army. Sometime after July 12, 1581, Rav
Raysingh came to Sojhat and for several months lived in the house of Askaran Devldasot,
where he was married during this period. 306 Rav Candrasen's former commanders and
pradhans all met with him. 307 Then, leaving his vasi in Sojhat, Rav Raysingh went to Fathpur
to meet with Akbar, who after achieving victory in Kabul on August 9 or 10, 1581 had returned
to Fathpur on December 1 of that year. 308
Akbar soon dispatched Rav Raysingh to STrohl, where a complicated situation had
arisen. 309 STrohT, like Mevar and Marvar, was a region of conflict between the local rulers and
the Mughals. One will recall that Akbar himself had gone to the town of STrohl in 1572 and had
ordered the slaughter of a large number of Rajputs taking refuge in a temple. 310 In early 1577
Raja Raysingh of Blkaner, acting on Akbar's orders, had invaded STrohl and taken the capital
along with Mt. Abu. Subsequently he met with Rav Surtan, the ruler of STrohl, who had been
engaged in a struggle to retain his throne since his accession in ca. 1572. Surtan was particularly
concerned about a Dungarot Devro Cahuvan, VTjo Harrajot, formerly his advisor. At one time
VTjo had imprisoned Surtan and sat himself on the throne. Then Rano Pratap of Mevar
intervened and replaced VTjo with his own candidate, his sister's son Kalo, as Rav of Slrohl.
Shortly thereafter Surtan reconciled with VTjo and they called in the BTharT Pathan ruler of Jalor,
Malik Khan (1570-76) 3 " to aid them in removing Kalo. After defeating Kalo in a major battle,
306 AB. p. 89. UCRK, 1:317-318 stales lhai Raysingh first went to Sojhat and received the tfk° (throne; forehead
mark) of succession from the leading Rathors. Then he went to meet the Emperor in Fathpur Slkrl while Sadul
Mahesot and PaneolT Neto looked after his vasi in Sojhat. Afterward Akbar gave Raysingh Sojhat and dispatched
him against STrohT.
307 UCRK, 2:82-83.
30S Srivastava, Akbar the Great, 1:286-289.
- ,m See MRMR, 2:86-98 for a detailed discussion of late sixteenth-century STrohT politics, the Devro Cahuvans, and a
partial genealogy of their branch of the Cahuvan elan ( vams).
310 See above, p. 20.
311 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency. Vol. V, Cutch, Palanpur, and Mahi Kantha (Bombay: Government
Central Press, 1908), p. 320.

60
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Rav Surtan acquired STrohl once again, but afterward, when VTjo became too dangerous, the Rav
brought men from his wife's natal home in Baharmer and removed VTjo from STrohT. 312
VTjo was still a threat, and so Surtan, meeting with Raja Raysihgh, agreed to turn over
half of STrohT to Akbar in exchange for aid. Akbar sent the STsodTyo Rajput Jagmal Udaisihghot,
a member of the Mevar royal family who had chosen Imperial military service, 313 to assume
control of the Imperial section of STrohT as its jaglrdar. Jagmal had married the daughter of the
former ruler, Rav Mansingh (d. ca. 1575), and knew the country well. However, strife almost
immediately arose between him and Rav Surtan. After unsuccessfully trying to oust Surtan from
his palace, Jagmal went to the Imperial court to request assistance. At that point Akbar sent the
new Rav of Sojhat, Raysihgh Candrasenot, to STrohT to aid Jagmal. VTjo (Beca in the Akbar
Nama ), whose own plea for STrohl was ignored by Akbar, accompanied them. 314
Jagmal, Rav Raysihgh, Ko]Tsingh of Dantivaro, 3 " VTjo, and a small anny of Mughal
soldiers arrived in STrohT. Rav Surtan abandoned the town and went into the mountains. Jagmal
decided to begin attacking the villages of Surtan's Rajputs in order to scatter them and make
Surtan more vulnerable. He dispatched VTjo, Kumpavat Rathor Khlmvo Mandanot, 316 Udavat
Rathor Ram RatansTyot, 317 etc. against Bhltrot. 318 VTjo warned Jagmal and Rav Raysihgh not to
312 NRK. 1:22-23. 142-148. .See also G. H. Ojha. STrohTRajya ka Itihas (.lodhpur: RajasthanT Granthagar, rev. 2 nd
cd., 1999 11936|, pp. 217-226: Mumhaio NainsT. MuhanotNainsTklKhyat. cd. and trans. by Manoharsirph Ranavai
(STlamau: SrT Nalnagar Sodh-Samslhan, 1987-). 1:63, 145-149.
- ,l3 Jagmal Udaisihghot was Rano Pratap's half-brother, the son of VirbaT, who in turn was the daughter of Rava]
Lunkaran JailsTyol of Jaisa]mcr (1528-1551). Jagmal was born on June 9, 1555. NRK, 1:23.
314 AB, p. 89; AN, 3:614; JRKK, p. 116; MRK, p. 54; Murardan , pp. 599-600; NRK, 1:23, 151; RRK, 1:116;
UCRK, 2:82.
KolTsingh is called Singh KolT by NainsT (NRK, 1:23). The Ko]Ts are a jatT of diverse occupation (many were
bandits in the British period) in Rajasthan and, particularly, in Gujarat. DantTvaro village in Marvar is eighteen
miles due east of Jodhpur. but in this case 1 believe the reference is to DantTvaro town, located forty miles southwest
of SlrohL in an area with many KolT chiefs.
316 Kumpavat Rathor Khlmvo Mandanot, the son of Mandan Kumpavat, had a long, mostly distinguished career both
as a military servant of Rav Raysingh and Moto Raja of Jodhpur (1583-95) and as an Imperial military servant. See
MRMR, 2:320-321 and UCRK. 1:292 for biographical details.
" I7 Udavat Rathor Ram RatansTyot was the son of RatansT KhTmvavat, who died at Jaitaran in 1558. He is described
as a great Vaishnava. After serving under Rav Raysihgh, he became Moto Raja's retainer and was given PTrnpar
village. UCRK, 2:287.

61
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
become separated from him, otherwise Surtan would attack the divided force. The Rathor
thakurs with Rav Raysingh, who were young, inexperienced, and unduly arrogant, made an
infamous reply: "Even in a village without a rooster, the night ends." 319 In other words, they had
no need of Vljo. Perhaps they resented his unhelpful presence at Sivrar in 1579 when the
Mughals had killed or wounded many Rathors and their retainers as Rav Candrasen and Vljo left
the battlefield.
His advice ignored, Vljo and his companions went toward Bhltrot. Rav Surtan, upon
hearing he had left, immediately attacked JagmaTs and Rav Raysingh's camp, which was in
DatanT village. 320 Caught completely by surprise, the Mughal contingent was nearly annihilated
on October 17, 1583. 321 Jagmal, Rav Raysingh, and KoJTsingh, the three commanders, were
killed. It was an exceptionally bitter moment for the Rathors. A long feud with the Devros
began over this episode. It ended only in 1613 when the Devros offered several of their women
to Rathor families who had lost members in 1583. 322
The death of Rav Raysingh left Sojhat without a ruler. But the entire situation in Marvar
had changed in August, 1583, when Akbar appointed Udaisingh Maldevot, Rav Candrasen's
elder brother, as the Raja of Jodhpur. Within two years Raja Udaisingh (Moto Raja) acquired
Sojhat Pargano as well. The long period of resistance to Mughal rule was now over, and a new
era of accommodation had begun.
And in Marvar a famine occurred. The whole land became empty.
And much thievery [and] banditry occurred. The Turks had no
influence [anymore]. And Emperor Akbar, a very perceptive man,
did not see a solution for the thievery [and] banditry. Then he
decided to give the kingdom of Marvar back to the Rathors. MRK,
p. 54.
- 1 ' 8 BhTtrot was not a village, but a region of STrohT, divided into two sections: 1) RohaT-BhTtrot, with nineteen
villages; 2) the pathag of Bhltrot, with twenty-three villages. These two sections were to the south and east of the
town of Slrohl, in modern Pindwara Tehsil. NRK, 1:172-174.
819 AB, p. 89; NRK, 1:151.
' 20 DatanT village is thirty-one miles southwest of STrohT town.
321 AB, pp. 89-90; JRKK, p. 116; Murardan , p. 600; NRK, 1:23, 152; RRK, 1:116; UCRK, 2:83, Vigat , 1:389-390.
For a list of those killed at DatanT, see Appendix D, 'The Battle of DatanT, October 17, 1583."
222 JRKK, pp. 146-149; RRK, 1:144-147.

62
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Epilogue
(In Progress)

63
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
Abbreviations
AA Abu al-Fazl ibn Mubarak. The A'in-i Akbari. Translated from the
original Persian by H. Blochmann. 3 vols. 3 rd ed. New Delhi: Oriental
Books Reprint Corporation, 1977-78 [1927-49].
AB "Aitihasik Batam." In Parampara, pt. 11, pp. 17-109. Ed. by N.S.
Bhatl. Caupasnl: Rajasthani Sodh Samsthan, 1961.
AN Abu-l-Fazl. The Akbar Nama of Abn-l-Fad: History of the Reign of
Akbar Including an Account of his Predecessors. Translated from the
Persian by H. Beveridge. 3 vols. Delhi: Rare Books, 1972 [1907-39],
ATV Aitihasik Tavarikhvar Varta. MS 1234. Rajasthani Sodh Samsthan,
Caupasnl.
DV Dalpat Vilas. Ed. by Ravat Sarasvat. BTkaner: Sadu] Rajasthani Risarc
Instltyut, 1960.
JRKK Jodhpur Rajya ki Khyat (Rajasthani). Ed. by RaghuvTr Sirph and
Manoharsim Ranavat. Nay! Dilll: Bharatiya Itihas Anusandhan Parisad
evam Pancsll Prakasan, Jaypur, 1988
MRK Mundiyar ri Khyat: Jodhpur Rajya ka Itihas. Jhotra, Sancor: Tha.
Arjunsimh Sonagara, 2005.
MRMR
The Mertiyo Rathors of Merto, Rajasthan: Select Translatons Bearing

64
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
on the History of a Rajput Family, 1462-1660. Translated and
Annotated by Richard D. Saran and Norman P. Ziegler. 2 vols. Ann
Arbor: The University of Michigan Centers for South and Southeast
Asian Studies, 2001.
MT
Al. Badaoni. Muntakhabu't-Tawarikh. Translated from the original
Persian and edited by George S.A. Ranking. 3 vols. Karachi:
Karimsons, 1976 [1898-1925],
Murardan
Rathoram ri Khyat (Murardanji ri Khyat). MS no. 15658. Rajasthan
Pracyavidya Pratisthan, Jodhpur.
NRK
Mumhato Nainsl. Mumhata Nainsl viracit Mumhata Nainslrl Khyat.
Ed. by Badnprasad Sakariya. 4 vols. Jodhpur: Rajasthan Pracyavidya
Pratisthan, 1960-67.
RHSK
Sakariya, Badriprasad, and Sakariya, Bhupati Ram, eds. Rajasthani
Hindi SabdKos. 3 vols. Jaypur: PancsTl Prakasan, 1977-82.
RRK
Rathauram rf Khyat. Jodhpur Rajya ka Itihas, Sihd se Maharaja
Mansimh (VI. Sam 1300-1900 = 1. Sam. 1243-1843. Ed. by Hukamsimh
Bhatl. 3 vols. Jodhpur: Rajasthani Granthagar, 2007.
RSK
Lalas, Sltaram. Rajasthani Sabad Kos. Vol. 1, Jodhpur: Rajasthani
Sodh Samsthan, 1962. Vols. 2 and 3, vol. 4, part 1, Jodhpur: Upasamiti
Rajasthani Sabad Kos, 1967-73. Vol. 4, parts 2 and 3, Jodhpur:
Caupasnl Siksa Samiti, 1976-78.

65
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
TA Ahmad, Khwajah Nizamuddln. The Tabaqat-i-Akbarl of Khwajah
Nizamuddln: A History of India from the Early Musalman Invasions
to the Thirty-eighth Year of the Reign of Akbar. Translated and
annotated by Brajendranath De and revised, edited, and completed with
preface and index, by Baini Prashad. 3 vols. Delhi: Low Price
Publications, 1992 [1911-1939],
UCRK Rao Udaibhan Champawat ri Khyat. Ed. by Raghubir Sinh. 2 vol. in 4.
New Delhi: Indian Council of Historical Research, 1984.
Vigat Mumhato Nainsi. Marvar ra Parganam ri Vigat. Ed. by Narayansimh
BhatT. 3 vols. Jodhpur: Rajasthan Pracyavidya Pratisthan, 1968-74.

66
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
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Veil Krisana Rukamani ri Rathora raja Prithi Raja ki kahi. Ed. by L. P. Tessitori (Calcutta:
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The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
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The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
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70
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
63.I Miles to an Inch
One of the Nine Forts of Marudesa
One of the Kasbo Towns of the Seven Parganos
in the Vigat of Nainsi
Boundary of Old Jodhpur Native State
Map 1. Three Views of Marvar: Ancient, Seventeenth
Century, and Princely State Marvar.
Scale:
\ -

71
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
MIDDLE PERIOD MARVAR
Important Town
72° • Pungaj
74"
BTkaner
28° —
DTdvano
Jaisalmer
Pokaran
PhalodhT
Nagaur
—26"
Baharmer
Umarkot
Merto
Jodhpur
Jaitaran
• Ajmer
26" —
Sojhat •
STvano
0 20 40 60 Ml
1 I I I
Map 2. Middle Period Marvar: Important Towns.

72
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
0 Jodhpur
Jaitaran ^ • Asarlai
Bilaro f
Rampurof
Kanujo
Surayta
• •
Sojhat Ukhali y°
• •
Vagri •
^ Pali
Dudhvai^ # Kantaliyo
•
Mandho # Saran
Khervo •
Siriyari #
• Dighor (Deokur)
Auvo • • Phulaj
• Kadu
N
1
* Jojavar
w
1
— E
1
S •
. i ■ i 0 10 Ml
Map 2. Sojhat Region. Important towns, ca. 1575.
0-300 Meters.
Land above 300 Meters.

73
The Long Goodbye of Rav Candrasen
,flCr,3ilKMd \
<*»»)* nil,
fr'™
s! . \ ^jMnna/'*
hi as*—-5?™ J, wpV' c -■
l s ^SNHr4»a I\
/'< Bhiiu RHibi'f,
isu.t (. i» \ V y
< \ \
a
I 8bang?0P— ^-N*
•i W
!
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iarkari
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Marie, 1
ran' ki Bisni* \
'/KhSr.a KhlngerhV.
-^Panchl#
^Uln + K^ rj^.
Mathlrali
— f/^UNES
-^Bhundlr
/ A"
s^sszitru
TLII.'n ,'1 K Mnd - .v."/.
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a Khurd
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fa Popawls "
-aGaderi
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■J3»n«ii \
Rohlla KalBny--
, k J.n,der?' n! >;
JJIeli pQ?dirSf>
i^har K^urd
' Jaitarajfl
B|gsQrl«i.
Ikelab*.
IbSjl ki Dhln
«God4«3s
-KhadBIa,
SMhaoria p
LWAR
'Kalinpur.
\Phlnch,
• ^ i- : ;
Sathir
'TamBja
jchbhajKa
>ndl/Kh'urd
(\—)J
f RBmpur^
KothiaTi* "
UOTRA
KhlrwjCf •
Mmy-
B he Ana'.
iCynito
""BiVf
.ytajitSlla^
^ ls '
*KumBr«vlr/
fhws*
/ Mindll KkGrd,
■iZt
/•- \ /
»!•.,% fDldt I
>*CfJainpUr
,Kh»mor
Kuslp^
Kattar,
J ... I
- -'^ZTwibjiiri _N I
• " /tr SHAHfOS :
fail* TiloilV-^-^Ki
lokafji,«
*ifarsifigh ka,
r&Qndoch
'BhaofwBar
,i^ti.war
Nagarp>~
: 0 8.n,r«
pSingir
/ Kosithal,
iMokon^tHX
■-~gP0 n»gi- :
■0"' WAiTE
Map 3. Dates of Mughal Conquests in Marvar, 1558-1576.

74
The Long Goodbye of Kav Candrascn
i
hi cr 7=
\ (i(W
'«e
■J)S Darbla
Map 4. Sivano Region, ca. \ 576

Map 5. Dighor, Saran, and Siriyari. One Inch = approx. 1 mile