Polymorphy in the participles of Modern German and Modern English: A study in natural morphology.

Abstract

A striking feature in the participial category of Modern German and Modern English is polymorphy, the coexistence of two or more alternants for one participial slot (e.g. Modern German strong geglommen $\approx$ weak geglimmt, or Modern English strong drunken $\approx$ strong drunk). Proceeding from basic assumptions about the nature of the sign and the nature of morphological change, this dissertation tests selected concepts that have been presented in a linguistic framework called 'natural morphology.' First, I investigate the extent to which type and token frequency inhibit and promote polymorphy among participles with less-dominant morphological features. To this end, I classify the strong and irregular simplex verbs of Modern German and Modern English. This classification is based on phonetic properties of participles. Second, I take up participles that are in a polymorphic state, and examine alternation types for differences in four grammatical properties: formal weight, material weight, material transparency, and formal cohesion. To measure these properties, I introduce a scalar metric (1.00-4.00) based on typological and phonetic properties of verb forms. Third, I characterize participles according to non-morphological properties (syntax, phonetics, and semantics), and examine the bearing of select properties on the inhibition and promotion of polymorphy. In view of insights into the nature of morphological change that have already been gained, hypotheses are expressed as a series of expectations. In both languages, phonetically isolated participles are vulnerable to the creation of polymorphy, while participles that have high type frequency are not significantly protected from polymorphy. Also in both languages, token frequency strongly influences whether a participle remains monomorphic or becomes polymorphic. In Modern German, expectations for formal weight, material weight, and material transparency are met by nearly all verbs in the three alternation types. But in Modern English, expectations for these grammatical properties are met by verbs in only some of the eight alternation types. In both languages, grammaticalization does not lead to a significant drop in formal cohesion. The attempt to couple polymorphy and monomorphy with function (attributive vs. predicative) and valence (transitive vs. intransitive) does not lead to any telling results.