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The Political Representation of the Poor

dc.contributor.authorJusko, Karen Longen_US
dc.date.accessioned2009-02-05T19:36:59Z
dc.date.availableNO_RESTRICTIONen_US
dc.date.available2009-02-05T19:36:59Z
dc.date.issued2008en_US
dc.date.submitteden_US
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/2027.42/61774
dc.description.abstractHow do electoral rules affect the poor? Under what conditions are legislators likely to be more or less responsive to the poor? This research departs from current explanations of cross-national differences in social policy by recognizing that antipoverty measures are well-suited for manipulation by re-election-motivated legislators: Antipoverty measures are highly targeted policies that are readily perceived by the beneficiaries and can be directly attributed to incumbent legislators. In combination with the geographic distribution of income groups, electoral rules determine the electoral power of low-income citizens, and structure legislators’ incentives to be responsive to this constituency. The generosity of antipoverty measures will reflect the share of legislators that rely on low-income citizens’ electoral support -- an intuition that is developed in a series of formal-analytic examples that demonstrate the important modifying effect of electoral geography on the more general relationship between electoral rules and social policy. Support for this election-motivated account of antipoverty policy is presented two forms: First, I take full advantage of Italy’s electoral reform and the dramatic change in Germany’s electoral geography following re-unification to demonstrate that improvements in the electoral power of the poor are followed by increases in the effectiveness of antipoverty measures; Chapter 4 reports the results of this analysis. Second, in a broadly comparative analysis, Chapter 5 establishes the general – positive – relationship between the electoral power of a low-income voting bloc (i.e., the number of seats elected by low-income citizens, if they all turn out to vote, and all vote for the same party), and levels of targeted poverty relief. Both of these analysis use a new measure of poverty responsiveness, developed in Chapter 3, as their dependent variable. The poverty relief ratio, R, assesses the effectiveness of antipoverty transfers from the perspective of low-income citizens. That cross-national and over-time differences in levels of poverty relief reflect variation in legislators’ electoral incentives to be responsive to low-income citizens is both surprising and a cause for concern: The electoral institutions of contemporary democratic societies may undermine opportunities for these societies to fulfill their obligations to democratic equality.en_US
dc.format.extent4388103 bytes
dc.format.extent1373 bytes
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf
dc.format.mimetypetext/plain
dc.language.isoen_USen_US
dc.subjectPolitical Economics of Social Spendingen_US
dc.subjectElectoral Rulesen_US
dc.subjectPolitical Representationen_US
dc.titleThe Political Representation of the Pooren_US
dc.typeThesisen_US
dc.description.thesisdegreenamePhDen_US
dc.description.thesisdegreedisciplinePolitical Scienceen_US
dc.description.thesisdegreegrantorUniversity of Michigan, Horace H. Rackham School of Graduate Studiesen_US
dc.contributor.committeememberAchen, Christopheren_US
dc.contributor.committeememberJackson, John E.en_US
dc.contributor.committeememberFranzese, Jr., Robert J.en_US
dc.contributor.committeememberLepkowski, James M.en_US
dc.subject.hlbtoplevelSocial Sciencesen_US
dc.description.bitstreamurlhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/61774/1/kjlong_1.pdf
dc.owningcollnameDissertations and Theses (Ph.D. and Master's)


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